President Kim Il Sung’s Reminiscences “With the Century” 3. The Choice between the Soviet and the People’s Revolutionary Government (From Chaper 7 of Volume 3 )

Home JUCHE VERSUS GLOBALIZATION A REVIEW OF THE WORK "PROGRESSIVE JOURNALISTS OF THE FIVE CONTIENTS WIELD YOUR POWERFUL REVOLUTIONARY PEN AND STERNLY CONDEMN US IMPERIALISM" KIM IL SUNG 18 SEPTEMBER 1969 PROUD COURSE OF THE DPRK WPK EVER VICTORIOUS WITH SONGUN TORCH OF THE DOWN WITH IMPERIALISM UNION BRILLIANT LIFE OF  A REVOLUTIONARY THE ROAD TRAVELLED BY THE WORKERS'  PARTY OF KOREA COMBAT IMPERIALIST IDEOLOGICAL AND CULTURAL POISIONING WHO STARTED THE KOREAN WAR JUCHE IDEA BEACON ILLUMINATING WAY AHEAD FOR MANKIND  THE WPK AND DIU US IMPERIALISTS STARTED THE KOREAN WAR THE LEADERSHIP PHILOSOPHY OF KIM JONG IL KIM IL SUNG CONDENSED BIOGRAPHY DPRK BOOKS  WHAT IS JUCHE ? LEADER KIM JONG IL AND KOREA TODAY GREAT CONTRIBUTION-MADAME KIM JONG SUK Comrade Kim Jong Suk Alive Forever in the Hearts of Mankind WHY JUCHE DPRK REFERENCE SECTION -LINKS TO DPRK BOOKS IN PDF THE JUCHE IDEA AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES-CONTRIBUTED BY A NEW MEMBER OF THE JISGE presentation on the work FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NON ALIGNED MOVEMENT made 0n 17th September presentation on the work "Let Us Accomplish the Cause of Socialism and Communism Under the revolutionary banner of the Juche Idea" made at meeting on 17/09/11 PRAISE FOR THE WORKERS' PARTY OF KOREA ANECEDOTE ABOUT MADAME KIM JONG SUK-A BOILING GRUEL POT IN DEFENCE OF SONGUN KOREA, THE MEMORY OF THE GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM JONG IL AND THE SONGUN REVOLUTIONARY LEADERSHIP VIDEO AND MEDIA SECTION(NEW) WORK ONGOING INCARNATION OF HUMAN LOVE Inheritance of the Socialist Cause  Imperishable Achievements Accomplished in the Cause of Global Independence  INCARNATION OF LOFTY LOYALTY Juche Idea and Kim Jong Il  SHATTERED MYTH AND NEW MYTH  Echo of Victory  KIMILSUNGISM-KIMJONGILISM-AN INTRODUCTION Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism guiding idea for the world revolution   Kim Jong ll's Patriotism Eternal General Secretary of the WPK  JUCHE AND UK KFA PUBLICATIONS People's Korea smashes counter-revolution-special article by JISGE and ASSPUK chairman  NATIONAL AND SOCIAL LIBERATION IN THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION PEOPLES KOREA, AN EXAMPLE OF INDEPENDENCE AND SELF RELIANCE -speech of the secretary general of the JISGE KIM JONG UN IRON-WILLED BRILLIANT COMMANDER AND GREAT SUCCESSOR THE SONGUN REVOLTIONARY CAUSE-special article  22nd Anniversary of the Appointment of the great leader comrade Kim Jong Il as supreme commander of the KPA-paper presented to ASSPUK and JISGE Meeting 7th of December   Speech about the life of anti-Japanese war heroine Kim Jong Suk , made at meeting of the Juche Idea Study Group of England  KIM JONG UN IRON-WILLED BRILLIANT COMMANDER AND GREAT SUCCESSOR THE SONGUN REVOLTIONARY CAUSE-special article 
SOUTH KOREAN STUDENTS DECLARATION VISIT TO THE LAND OF SONGUN STERN PUNISHMENT TO TRAITOROUS REGIME MASS MOVEMENT FOR NATIONAL REUNIFICATION SOUTH KOREAN PEOPLE'S STRUGGLE  AGAINST ANTI REUNIFICATION MOVES SOUTH KOREA REPUBLIC OF SUICIDE IDEAL SOCIETY V DARK SOCIETY THE EC121 INCIDENT APPEAL OF AFRICAN JUCHE IDEA STUDY GROUPS ANNIVERSARY OF CAPTURE OF USS PUEBLO  SATELLITE LAUNCH PRIDE OF NATION.GAP BETWEEN RICH AND POOR IN SOUTH KOREA CRIMINAL ACTS AGAINST PEACE AND REUNIFICATION Reckless War Drills for Invading the North DAILY INTENSIFYING GRAVE MILITARY CONFRONTATION With unshakable Conviction of Reunification MILITAY PROVOCATION RUNNING COUNTER TO PEACE REVIEW OF THE JUCHE IDEA STUDY GROUP WORK OVER THE PAST 10 YEARS Report of Juche Idea Study of England meeting held January 30th SOUTH KOREAN PEOPLES STRUGGLE AGAINST THE US AND WAR ADSURD CONFAB FOR A WAR AGAINST THE NORTH DEATH TO THE BELLIGERENTS STATEMENT OF KPA GENERAL STAFF ON FOAL EAGLE  KCNA Snubs Call for DPRK's Dismantlement of Nukes STRUGGLE FOR PEACE IN SOUTH KOREA DUE PUNISHMENT ANTI GOVERNMENT AND ANTI WAR STRUGGLE STRUGGLE FOR PEACE DANGEROUS MILITARY MOVES LET US SMASH THE DISGRACEFUL MOVES TO DISTORT HISTORY FATAL BLOW TO THE AGGRESSORS ! STOP SUPPRESSION OF PRO REUNIFICATION FIGURE BRILLIANT LIFE OF WOMAN GENERAL OF MT PAEKTU GLORY TO THE WORKERS PARTY OF KOREA-65TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE WPK Opposing Confrontation Moves against the North SOUTH KOREA AILING WITH SOCIAL EVILS    LONG LIVE VICTOROUS ERA OF JUNE 15 INDEPENDENT REUNIFICATION OF KOREA Ever Intensifying Candlelight Struggle Continues to Win Final Victory BRILLIANT LIFE OF A MOTHER WORLD JUCHE CONFERENCE KOREAN PEOPLE DYNAMICALLY ADVANCING UNDER THE BANNER OF THE DIU REPORT OF JISGE-ASSPUK MEETING WITH SOCIAL SCIENTISTS TO MARK 85TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE DOWN WITH IMPERIALISM UNION WARNING TO RUIN OF CAPITALISM With the Might of Single-minded Unity Peerless Woman General UNCHANGED AMBITION TO INVADE THE NORTH Anti-US ,Anti War Struggle to defend peace DO THE PEOPLE LIKE IT ? A Power Station Named after Youth Song Footsteps The First Field Guidance ROAD OF KOREA Pyongyang Declaration of World Congress on Juche Idea FLAMES OF POCHONBO Kim Jong Il’s Achievements in Party Building AFRICA SHOULD FOLLOW JUCHE IDEA-HEAD OF THE CONGO COMMUNIST PARTY Juche Korea in September 2012 - A report of a visit  A COUNTRY WITH MANY HEROES WORLD ADMIRATION FOR GREAT MAN “Kim Jong Un Fever” Ever Growing GREAT CAREER Miracle Produced by Human Love  The Secret of Championship FATHER OF THE NATION ALIVE IN THE HEARTS OF FELLOW COUNTRYMEN IN SOUTH KOREA PRAISE FOR GREAT WOMAN INTERNATIONAL KIM JONG IL PRIZE INSTITUTED DPRK’s Socialist Constitution Kim Jong Un, TIME’s 2012 Person of the Year Leader Who Loves the Future The US Must Draw a Lesson from the Pueblo Incident  Korea Does What It is Determined to Do Kim Jong Un’s Personality and His Smile  Kim Jong Il’s Exploits Performed for the Cause of Socialism On the Road for People FEBRUARY BURNING WITH YEARNING THUNDER FROM KOREA  DPRK Will Show Its Will for Counteraction with Military Action: KPA Supreme Command DPRK NDC Issues Statement Refuting UNSC Resolution Int'l Kim Jong Il Prize Awarded to Equatorial Guinean President DPRK 65 YEARS  National Flag of DPRK ETERNAL IMAGE Invincible Steel-like WPK Great WPK Shining With August Names of Peerless Great Men ETERNAL SUN OF THE NATION Let Us Dynamically Wage Movement for Independent  Reunification Upholding the June 15 Banner Historical Landmark Shining Forever in the Nation's History Hysterical War Provocation Seventy-nine Years under the Banner of Great National Unity Milestone for Independent Reunification, Peace and Prosperity  Kim Jong Un Inspects Completed Sci-Tech Complex Pro-Japanese Acts of Treachery President Kim Il Sung’s Reminiscence “With the Century” KIM JONG SUK A  PARAGON OF DEFENDING LEADER Gun Report Echoing from the Beginning of Year Historical Act, the March First Popular Uprising Decision on Opening WPK Seventh Congress Issued Imperishable exploits for Korea’s reunification Risky Military Provocation Implementation of agreements common to the nation Obstinate racket against north Korea  Creation of self-reliance and self-development  Victorious conclusion of the 70-day campaign Milestone for Korea’s Reunification Immortal Exploits of Party Building A Prerequisite to Korea’s Reunification Korean Peninsula on the eve of war General Kim Jong Un of Undying Fame Immortal Program for National Reunification Inflicting calamity of bacteriological warfare upon the nation Only Death Awaits Provokers    Immortal Banner of Independent Reunification Artificial Racket   Kim Jong Suk, the anti-Japanese heroine Chairman Kim Jong Il signs the inter-Korean joint declaration with Kim Dae-jung Seeing the Exciting Year Out Mounting action against THAAD deployment Mounting action against THAAD deployment  Historic May Torchlight of Pochonbo Immortal Program for Reunification Great Mother of Korea
ANTI REUNIFICATION THEORY OF CONFRONTATIONAL MANIAC NOBLE LIFE OF PRO REUNIFICATION PATRIOTIC FIGHTER REUNIFICATION MOVEMENT ADVANCES DYNAMICALLY CALL OF GWANGJU DUE PUNISHMENT INFURIATED MINDSET SWEEPING TREND OF JUNE 15 A bitter grudge Cesspool of Crime , US Military Bases in south Korea MOUNTED WILL AND SHOUT FOR REUNIFICATION OCTOBER 4TH  DECLARATION BANNER COMMON TO THE NATION UNABATED RESISTANCE FLAMES Cheongwadae, Foothold of Irregularities and Corruption Crazy Sycophantic Betrayal Ever-growing Struggle against FTA Anti-Reunification Evil Law should be Abolished AN AWKWARD TRICK On the Occasion of Demise of Great Leader Kim Jong Il, South Koreans Mourn over Demise of Kim Jong Il STINKING "GRAND NATIONAL PARTY" STRUGGLE FOR FAIR BROADCASTING (IN S KOREA) Stop War Drills to Invade the North! Struggle to Bring Down Fascist Regime  Brief introduction of the struggle of the Anti-imperialist National Democratic Front ( AINDF)  43rd anniversary of the AINDF -ASSPUK,JISGE and UK KFA STATEMENT OF AINDF VICE-CHAIRMAN-JANUARY 3RD 2013 On the Occasion of the 44th Anniversary of the AINDF Salute to the 45th Anniversary of the formation of the Anti-Imperialist National Democratic Front of south Korea-ASSPUK, JISGE and UK KFA  Fascist outrage against democracy Eternal Mother Meaning of leaflet scattering actions Disgraceful manner of a pawn for the US   S. Korean Puppet Forces Urged to Stop Retrogressive Revision of Pension System for Government Employees Action for the right to live  Astounding Scandal  South Korea, Kingdom of Crime  Intensive anti-“government” action  Action for Genuine Life  Hot-blooded Outcry Ridiculous utterance of “human rights” The Park regime in a predicament  Against Labour policy Illegitimate Landing Against Revision of History Textbooks  Overt ambition of preemptive strike on north Korea  Root the Cause of War Not let his death be in vain   Revision of History Textbooks helping Ruling Crisis South Korea with signs of ruin Unfinished Action Park Geun-hye, Step Down! Draconian Fascist Law Data about the Repression to the Democratic and Pro-Reunification Activists in south Korea  POWER OF THE DPRK Black-hearted Thought Ever-more undisguised war moves against the DPRK Standpoint of national independence is  a fundamental way for Korea’s reunification “Policy of Unification” is "Unification of System" Actions against Retrogressive Revision of Labor Law Gruesome Pro-US Submission  Worst People’s Life   Immature move of “human rights” against the DPRK Stop the planned deployment of THAAD BRUTAL VIOLENCE Rejected Draconian Labor Law Punish the Park Geun-hye regime! Three years riddled with all kinds of crimes  (1) Unfortunate plight of south Korean women Insolvent Business Groups Deserted Women SECOND WAR GAMES TO OCCUPY NORTH KOREA Three years riddled with all kinds of crimes  Three years riddled with all kinds of crimes  (3) Resume GIP Unforgettable Sewol Disaster Echo of April 19 People’s stern punishment Establishing fundamental principles of reunification    Give up war rehearsals against north Korea! Strangler of Democracy Open up a fresh era for the popular masses! US, the chief criminal of Gwangju massacre Unending June Popular Resistance National independence, lifeline of Korea’s reunification Struggle to achieve genuine life Unforgotten Soul of Schoolgirls Strong Current of Support for Reunification Sweeping Actions against the US and War   Calling for Probe into Truth behind Ferry Sewol Disaster Degrading SOFA Struggle is the only way out for workers No Deployment of THAAD! Exasperation into Revolt Military provocation for escalating tension Hotbed of Corruption Workers’ drive against retrogressive labor reform Expanding campaign against deployment of THAAD Despicable Political Terrorism Dog president  South Korea, a veritable hell Address of “confrontation” not “congratulation” Stop war games against north Korea! Spreading actions against THAAD deployment Inveterate Rancor No THAAD is available Ridiculous Disturbance Fatuous Attempt Puerile Racket Unbroken drive against THAAD deployment Struggle is the only option  Push out murderous Park Geun-hye regime! Ongoing Resistance Baek’s Death Protests Cheongwadae, a haunt of corruption  Uninterruped Drive Risky Maritime Rehearsal Ongoing October Resistance for Democracy Spreading General Strike Cancel the warrant of postmortem! “Step Down, Park Geun-hye! Consecutive publication of declarations on the current situation Nationwide campaign for Park’s resignation Enraged Public Sentiment  An ultimatum from people He is not solitary Ebullitions of Anger Traitorous agreement on protecting military intelligence Give up, Park Geun-hye! Inheriting Martyr’s Spirit Park Geun-hye, a schizophrenic Fourth all-people candlelit action   The 5th all-people candlelight rally  NSL, Draconian Fascist Law The 6th all-people candlelight rally Ridiculous Insanity  The seventh round of all-people candlelight rally The eighth round of all-people candlelight rally Improvement of North-south Relations  Is Starting Point for Peace and Reunification The tenth round of all-people candlelight rally National Unity Is Driving Force for Reunification Movement   In pursuit of Washington’s strategy plan for presidential election The twelfth round of all-people candlelight rally Aggressive Military Alliance The fourteenth round of all-people candlelight rally Belligerent Military Nexus   The sixteenth round of all-people candlelight rally Desperate Wriggle STOP WAR EXERCISE AGAINST NORTH KOREA Against Introduction of THAAD Incessant Resistance  Carry on Candlelight Action! Handcuffed Park Geun-hye  Ever-growing Drive  Indiscreet Act For democracy in south Korea Unremitting Struggle Hold higher candlelight! Mounting action against THAAD deployment Mounting action against THAAD deployment Build a society for workers!   Unsettled Sexual Slavery for the Imperial Japanese Army   Withdraw deployed THAAD equipment! A Miserable End   Against fascist despotic rule Inheriting the spirit of the May resistance Disgusting Practices Extreme End of Impudence For democratization of south Korean society Crusade for elimination of accumulated evils  Great Lifetime of Peerless Patriot
LOOKING UP TO THE SUN OF HUMANKIND THE GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM IL SUNG RED SUN OF THE WORLD REVOLUTION AND LEADER AND TEACHER OF THE INTERNATIONAL PROLETARIAT UNIQUE COMMANDING ART-VICTORY IN FATHERLAND LIBERATION WAR AUGUST 15 LIBERATION AND PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG ALIVE FOREVER SOME QUOTATIONS OF LEADER KIM JONG IL ON THE GREATNESS OF THE RESPECTED LEADER PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG SONGS PRAISING THE SUN LEADER KIM JONG IL'S TEACHINGS ON THE GREATNESS OF PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG ETERNAL SUN OF MANKIND THE PEOPLE'S SUN  PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG,FATHER OF SOCIALIST KOREA IS THE PEOPLE'S LEADER MANGYONDAE PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG'S IMMORTAL FEATS OF LIBERATING KOREA MAO ZEDONG SAID COMRADE KIM IL SUNG SHOULD LEAD THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST MOVEMENT Great Sun of Independent Era AMONG THE PEOPLE Always Believing in the Working Class  From farmhand to master of the country The 100th anniversary of the birth of the great leader president Kim Il Sung by ASSPUK and JISGE  The greatest of great leaders - Article by JISGE KIM IL SUNG AND THE BANNER OF INDEPENDENCE AUGUST NAME OF KIM IL SUNG THE SUN IS ALWAYS WITH US -PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG -ROMESH CHANDRA GENERAL KIM IL SUNG PEERLESS PATRIOT SUN IS  EVERLASTING ETERNAL PRESIDENT OF THE DPRK THE EVER-VICTORIOUS IRON-WILLED BRILLIANT COMMANDER Eternal Sun of Juche Whole Life Devoted to National Reunification Reunification Will Enshrined in Historic Autography   Imperishable exploits performed for Korea’s reunification Putting an end to national division   Imperishable exploits for Korea’s reunification  A GREAT CHRONICLE Benefactor of Korea’s liberation  Great Man’s Life Tradition of Victory Saviour of National Restoration  Great Achievements for Victory Benefactor of National Resurrection 
SONGUN POLITICS OF MARSHAL KIM JONG IL IS THE BANNER FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE WORLD ARTICLES BY KIM YU JON ON SONGUN SONGUN POLITICS OF NORTH KOREA AND ANTI IMPERIALIST CLASS STAND FIRST TRACE OF SONGUN LEADERSHIP SACRED FOOTPRINTS OF SONGUN REVOLUTIONARY LEADERSHIP PROUD HISTORY OF THE DPRK DIGNIFIED WITH SONGUN POLITICS BASED ON THE ARMY FIRST PRINCIPLE SPEECHES OF KPA DIFFERENT CIRCLES IN SOUTH KOREA PRAISE SONGUN POLITICS SONGUN POLITICS BANNER OF REUNIFICATION SONGUN TREASURED SWORD FOR NATIONAL PROSPERITY SONGUN POLITICS, A REVOLUTIONARY, ANTI-IMPERIALIST FORM OF POLITICS SUITED TO THE 21ST CENTURY GREAT MARCH OF SONGUN 50 YEARS OF SONGUN REVOLUTIONARY LEADERSHIP -JISGE AND ASSPUK ARTICLE SONGUN POLITICS TREASURED SWORD FOR DEFENDING PEACE INVINCIBLE KOREAN PEOPLE'S ARMY SPECIAL ARTICLE ON THE KPA AND SONGUN HONOURING THE 79TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE KPA'S FOUNDATION GREAT VICTORY IN THE WAR 51 Years of Songun-based Revolutionary Leadership Songun and Unity-article by ASSPUK and JISGE on occasion of 51st anniversary of Songun revolutionary leadership LONG LIVE SONGUN ! 51 YEARS OF SONGUN POLITICS IN THE DPRK! (article by JISGE and ASSPUK member) DEFENDING WORLD PEACE Songun politics THE INVINCIBLE KOREAN PEOPLE'S ARMY,REVOLUTIONARY ARMED FORCE OFJUCHE SONGUN POLITICS AND THE KOREAN PENINSULA VISIT TO THE KPA MILITARY EQUIPMENT EXHIBITION THE WORLD WILL CLEARLY SEE IT  SPEECHES OF THE KOREAN PEOPLES ARMY Marshal KIM JONG UN's visit to West Sea frontline outposts  Some extracts concerning the foundation and struggles of the Korean  People’s Revolutionary Army from great President Kim Il Sung’ s  Reminiscences “With the Century”  IMMORTAL EXPLOITS OF WAR VICTORY Leader Kim Jong Il and Songun Politics  Songun Day of Korea COUNTRY DIGNIFIED WITH SONGUN  On Road of Leadership of Songun Revolution  Dear Home of Soldiers Strength of Songun Trace in Panmunjom Single-hearted United Invincible Revolutionary Army DPRK'S REPLY
Let Us Carry Out the Great Leader Comrade Kim Il Sung's Instructions for National Reunification (August 4, 1997)KIM JONG IL THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF KOREA IS A JUCHE- ORIENTATED SOCIALIST STATE WITH INVINCIBLE MIGHT Abstracts from Great Leader Kim Il Sung's Reminiscences "With the Century" THE WORKERS PARTY OF KOREA IS THE PARTY OF  THE GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM IL SUNG ON ABOLISHING THE TAX SYSTEM SOCIALISM IS A SCIENCE-KIM JONG IL RESPECTING THE FORERUNNERS OF THE REVOLUTION IS THE NOBLE MORAL OBLIGATION OF REVOLUTIONARIES LET US FIRMLY GUARANTEE THE FULFILMENT OF THE REVOLUTIONARY CAUSE OF JUCHE BY FORCE OF ARMS Great President Kim Il Sung's Instructions to Accomplish the Socialist Cause Upholding Comrade Kim Jong Il -(Exerpts from President Kim Il Sung's work) FOR A FREE AND PEACEFUL NEW WORLD KIM IL SUNG-ON THREE PRINCIPLES OF NATIONAL REUNIFICATION ON OUR PEOPLE'S STRUGGLE FOR SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION AND NATIONAL REUNIFICATION' KIM IL SUNG LETS US SHATTER IMPERIALIST MOVES TOWARDS AGGRESSION AND WAR AND SAFEGUARD PEACE AND INDEPENDENCE LET US INTENSIFY ANTI IMPERIALIST ANTI US STRUGGLE-KIM IL SUNG THE JUCHE PHILOSOPHY IS AN ORIGINAL REVOLUTIONARY PHILOSOPHY LET US REALIZE THE COUNTRY’S REUNIFICATION INDEPENDENTLY THROUGH  THE UNITED EFFORT OF THE ENTIRE NATION-KIM IL SUNG LET US ACCOMPLISH THE CAUSE OF SOCIALISM-KIM IL SUNG OUR PEOPLE’S ARMY IS AN ARMY OF THE WORKING CLASS-KIM IL SUNG ON THE QUESTIONS OF THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION FROM CAPITALISM TO SOCIALISM AND THE DICTATORSHIP  OF THE PROLETARIAT LET US STEP UP SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION UNDER THE BANNER OF THE JUCHE IDEA SOCIALISM IN THE LIFE OF OUR PEOPLE ON ORGANISING AND WAGING ARMED STRUGGLE AGAINST JAPANESE IMPERIALISM FOR THE ACCOMPLISHMENT OF THE SOCIALIST CAUSE THE SONGUN-BASED REVOLUTIONARY LINE IS A GREAT REVOLUTIONARY LINE OF OUR ERA AND AN EVER-VICTORIOUS BANNER OF OUR REVOLUTION LET THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH OPEN THE WAY TO PEACE-KIM IL SUNG ABUSES OF SOCIALISM ARE INTOLERABLE KIM IL SUNG With the Century Part I THE ANTI-JAPANESE REVOLUTION   10-POINT PROGRAMME OF THE GREAT UNITY OF THE WHOLE NATION FOR THE REUNIFICATION OF THE COUNTRY LET US REUNIFY THE COUNTRY INDEPENDENTLY AND PEACEFULLY THROUGH THE GREAT UNITY OF THE ENTIRE NATION LET US BRING THE ADVANTAGES OF SOCIALISM INTO FULL PLAY IN OUR COUNTRY-PART 3 -REUNIFICATION LET US FIGHT ON STAUNCHLY FOR THE LIBERATION OF THE FATHERLAND -speech to people of Pochonbo 4th June 1937 by KIM IL SUNG    GIVING PRIORITY TO IDEOLOGICAL WORK IS ESSENTIAL FOR ACCOMPLISHING SOCIALISM LET US PREVENT A NATIONAL PARTITION AND REUNIFY THE COUNTRY THE PATH OF THE KOREAN REVOLUTION-KIM IL SUNG  LET US ACHIEVE GREAT UNITY OF OUR NATION FUNDAMENTALS OF REVOLUTIONARY PARTY BUILDING-KIM JONG IL THE WORKERS' PARTY OF KOREA IS A JUCHE-TYPE REVOLUTIONARY PARTY WHICH INHERITED THE GLORIOUS TRADITION OF THE DIU SOCIALISM IS THE LIFE OF OUR PEOPLE-KIM JONG IL ON THE JUCHE IDEA-KIM JONG IL THE TEN-POINT PROGRAMME OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR  THE RESTORATION OF THE FATHERLAND Let Us Brilliantly Accomplish the Revolutionary Cause of Juche, Holding the Great Comrade Kim Jong Il in High Esteem as the Eternal General Secretary of Our Party  Let us march forward dynamically toward final victory, holding higher the banner of Songun!. On Bringing About a Revolutionary Turn in Land Administration in Line with the Requirements of the Building of a Thriving Socialist Country  KIM JONG UN LET US BRING THE ADVANTAGES OF SOCIALISM IN OUR COUNTRY INTO FULL PLAY-KIM IL SUNG ON PRESERVING THE JUCHE CHARACTER AND NATIONAL CHARACTER OF THE REVOLUTION AND CONSTRUCTION-KIM JONG IL The Great Kim Il Sung Is the Eternal Leader of Our Party and Our People  Treatise Published to Mark the Centenary of the Birth of President Kim Il Sung  April 20, Juche 101 (2012)      ON THE KOREAN PEOPLE'S STRUGGLE TO APPLY THE JUCHE IDEA LET US REALIZE THE COUNTRY’S REUNIFICATION INDEPENDENTLY  THROUGH THE UNITED EFFORT OF THE WHOLE NATION Let Us Step up the Building of a Thriving Country by Applying Kim Jong Il's Patriotism Only Victory and Glory Will Be in Store for Us Who are Advancing under the Unfurled Flag Bearing the Immortal Beaming Images of the Great Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il 3. LET US REUNIFY THE COUNTRY INDEPENDENTLY AND PEACEFULLY The Sons and Daughters of Revolutionary Martyrs Should Become the Reliable Backbone of the Songun Revolution Who Would Stoutly Carry Forward the Lineage of Mangyongdae, the Lineage of Paektu-KIM JONG UN THE DPRK REPRESENTS GENUINE PEOPLE’S  POWER AND IS A BANNER  OF THE UNITY  AND SOLIDARITY OF THE MASSES THE TASKS OF KOREAN COMMUNISTS LET US EMBODY THE REVOLUTIONARY SPIRIT OF INDEPENDENCE, SELF-SUSTENANCE AND SELF-DEFENCE MORE THOROUGHLY IN ALL BRANCHES OF STATE ACTIVITY-KIM IL SUNG LET US FURTHER STRENGTHEN THE SOCIALIST SYSTEM OF OUR COUNTRY-KIM IL SUNG ON THE QUESTION OF THE NATIONAL UNITED FRONT-KIM IL SUNG NEW YEAR ADDRESS JUCHE 102(2013) KIM JONG UN Speech Delivered at a Banquet in Celebration of Successful Launch of Kwangmyongsong 3-2 Address Delivered at the Fourth Conference of Cell Secretaries of the WPK -KIM JONG UN THE INAUGURAL DECLARATION OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE RESTORATION OF THE FATHERLAND KIM IL SUNG  With the Century  4  CHAPTER 12  To Hasten the Liberation of the Country OUR SOCIALISM CENTRED ON THE POPULAR MASSES SHALL NOT PERISH LET US ALL LIVE AND STRUGGLE LIKE HEROES -KIM JONG IL Let Us Usher In a Fresh Heyday on All the Fronts of Socialist Construction by Creating the Speed on Masik Pass -KIM JONG UN GO ALL OUT FOR VICTORY IN THE WAR The Triumphal Return     From Volume 8 of President Kim Il Sung’s  Reminiscences “With the Century Message of Congratulations to the Participants in the Youth Day Celebration  Conference  and Other Young People across the Country-KIM JONG UN "Let Us Add Eternal Brilliance to Comrade Kim Jong Il's Great Idea and Achievements of the Songun Revolution"  President Kim Il Sung’s Reminiscences “With the Century” 3. The Choice between the Soviet and the People’s Revolutionary Government (From Chaper 7 of Volume 3 ) Let Us Usher In a Great Golden Age of Construction by Thoroughly Applying the Party’s Juche-Oriented Idea of Architecture -KIM JONG UN Supreme Leader Kim Jong Un's New Year Address  Let Us Bring About Innovations in Agricultural Production under the Unfurled Banner of the Socialist Rural Theses" -KIM JONG UN "Let Us Hasten the Final Victory through a Revolutionary Ideological Offensive!"  PREVENTING WAR AND PRESERVING PEACE ARE THE BURNING TASKS OF MANKIND” "Young People, Be Vanguard Fighters Unfailingly Faithful to the Party's Revolutionary Cause of Songun" KIM JONG UN  National Heritage Conservation Is a Patriotic Undertaking for Adding Brilliance to the History and Traditions of Our Nation Let the Entire Party, the Whole Army and All the People Conduct a Vigorous Forest Restoration Campaign to Cover the Mountains of the Country with Green Woods-KIM JONG UN LET US HOLD THE GREAT  LEADER IN HIGH  ESTEEM FOREVER AND ACCOMPLISH  HIS CAUSE KIMILSUNGIA IS AN IMMORTAL FLOWER THAT HAS BLOOMED IN THE HEARTS OF MANKIND IN THE ERA OF INDEPENDENCE-KIM JONG IL  ON SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION IN THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF KOREA AND THE SOUTH KOREAN REVOLUTION Let Us Usher In a New Heyday of Building a Sports Power in the Revolutionary Spirit of Paektu" KIM JONG UN Kim Jong Un Makes Congratulatory Speech at 4th National Conference of War Veterans LET THE WOMEN IN THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH  HASTEN THE REUNIFICATION OF THE  COUNTRY THROUGH UNITED EFFORTS Speech of dear respected Marshal KIM JONG UN to 70th anniversary of WPK celebrations "The Cause of the Great Party of Comrades Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il Is Ever-Victorious" Let Us Bring About a Fundamental Turn in the Three-Revolution Red Flag Movement in Line with the Demands of the Developing Revolution KIM JONG UN NEW YEAR ADDRESS 2016  “The Historical Lesson in Building Socialism and the General Line of Our Party”. KIM JONG IL THE GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM IL SUNG WILL ALWAYS BE WITH OUR PEOPLE AN ODE TO COMRADE KIM JONG IL COMPOSED BY PRESIDENT  KIM IL SUNG ON THE OCCASION OF HIS 50TH BIRTHDAY CONCLUDING SPEECH AT THE MARCH 2013 PLENARY MEETING OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE WORKERS’ PARTY OF KOREA  March 31, Juche 102 (2013) ON THE NEED FOR THE KOREANS IN THE UNITED STATES  TO UNITE AND STEP UP THE MOVEMENT FOR NATIONAL REUNIFICATION Report to the March 2013 Plenary Meeting  of the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea KIM JONG UN On the Occasion of Founding the Anti-Japanese  People's Guerrilla Army KIM IL SUNG On Thoroughly Establishing the System of Party Leadership KIM JONG IL Kim Jong Un Makes Opening Address at Seventh Congress of WPK Report on Work of WPK Central Committee to  7th Congress KIM JONG UN Kim Jong Un Makes Closing Address at Seventh Congress of WPK BECOME PILLARS SUPPORTING  A PROSPEROUS FUTURE KOREA Report to the Seventh Congress of the Workers' Party of Korea   on the Work of the Central Committee(full text)KIM JONG UN ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS RAISED BY THE EDITOR-IN-CHIEF OF THE INDIAN WEEKLY BLITZ-KIM IL SUNG Let Us Usher in a Golden Age of the Kimilsungist-Kimjongilist Youth Movement Kim Jong Un's Letter to Teaching Staff and Students at Kim Il Sung University on 70th Anniversary of Its Founding KIM IL SUNG   ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS RAISED BY THE SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS INSTITUTE OF ITALY(Extract) The Duty of the Working Class of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il for the Times and the Tasks Facing Trade Union Organizations" KIM JONG UN  FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF GENUINE PEOPLE’S GOVERNMENT "Let Us Further Intensify the Work of the Women's Union under the Banner of Modelling the Whole Society on Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism"  ANSWERS TO THE QUESTIONS RAISED BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE NEPAL JOURNALIST ASSOCIATION  November 29. 1990 (Extract) THE WORKING CLASS SHOULD BECOME THE PIVOTAL FORCE IN THE STRUGGLE TO MODEL THE WHOLE SOCIETY ON THE JUCHE IDEA(extract) "On Improving the Role of the UAWK in Accomplishing the Juche-Oriented Socialist Cause"  UNITY OF THE SOCIALIST CAMP AND THE NEW STAGE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST MOVEMENT-KIM IL SUNG Kim Jong Un     New Year Address for 2017 ON STRENGTHENING THE PEOPLE’S ARMY AND CREATING A SOCIAL CLIMATE IN WHICH PROMINENCE IS GIVEN TO MILITARY AFFAIRS  ON THE OCCASION OF THE FOUNDING OF THE KOREAN PEOPLE’S ARMY ON HAVING A CORRECT UNDERSTANDING OF NATIONALISM LET US USHER IN A NEW GOLDEN AGE OF THE MOVEMENT OF KOREANS IN JAPAN TRUE TO THE INTENTION OF THE GREAT COMRADE KIM JONG IL-KIM JONG UN Kim Jong Un's Speech at the Eighth KCU Congress THE GRAND MASS GYMNASTICS AND ARTISTIC PERFORMANCE ARIRANG IS A WORLD-CLASS MASTERPIECE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE NEW CENTURY KIM JONG IL KIM JONG UN  NATIONAL HERITAGE CONSERVATION IS A PATRIOTIC UNDERTAKING FOR ADDING BRILLIANCE TO THE HISTORY AND TRADITIONS OF OUR NATION
PYONGYANG MATERNITY HOSPITAL LOVE AND SINCERITY THAT MAKES FLOWERS BLOOM ON STONES LEGEND OF HUMAN LOVE VISIT TO THE LAND OF JUCHE SOCIALIST KOREA SOCIALISM IS CREATING MIRACLES SOCIALIST POWER OF JUCHE People-centred Socialist Korea Victory of Socialism, Historical Inevitability SOCIALISM TOLLS THE BELL FOR CAPITALISM HISTORY PROVES IMMOVABLE TRUTH OF HISTORY AND CAPITALISM HAS NO FUTURE  SCENES OF A  HARMONOUS WHOLE IN THE MOURING PERIOD The Rungna People's Pleasure Park  A branch school Warm Love for People A Neologism Reflecting the Love for the People “Most Preferentially and Absolutely” NATIONAL STRENGTH OF THE DPRK Sweaters Supplied to Kindergarten Children across DPRK NEW BUILDINGS IN PYONGYANG THE JUCHE IDEA AND PEOPLE'S KOREA Motherly Party Serving People EMBLEM OF WPK Why there are no riots in the DPRK Paean to the Motherly Party Giving Supreme Bliss to Workers Kim Jong Il’s Exploits in Party Building  Invincibility of Socialist Korea  A Large Family  Children’s Dream House  The Invincibility of the Workers’ Party of Korea People Praise the Workers’ Party of Korea  There is No Human Rights Problem in Peoples Korea !- by Dermot Hudson  Report of Visit to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the celebrations of the 70th anniversary of the Workers' Party of Korea by Dermot Hudson Blessed Women Magnificent Youth Power Genuine People’s Fatherland Ever-Victorious Party Mother’s Bosom Lofty Picture of Love for People People Follow Their Leader Genuine People’s Paradise
Greatest Glory to Kim Jong Il, Brilliant Commander of Songun! SACRED FOOTPRINTS OF SONGUN LEADERSHIP AT PANMUMJOM WARM RESPECT TO LEADER KIM JONG IL BRILLIANT COMMANDER OF SONGUN DPRK IS HIGHLIGHTED BY BRILLIANT COMMANDER OF PAEKTU LONG LIVE KIM JONG IL BRILLIANT COMMANDER OF SONGUN CHAIRMAN OF THE NATIONAL DEFENCE COMMISSION OF THE DPRK KIM JONG IL AND SONGUN POLITICS Holding the Brilliant Commander of Mt. Paekdu in High Esteem   REPERCUSSIONS OF SOUTH KOREAN MEDIA ON KIM JONG IL LEADING THRIVING KOREAN NATION TO VICTORY BRILLIANT COMMANDER VOLITION FOR REUNIFICATION ASSOCIATED WITH PANMUNJOM BOUNDLESS GLORY OF KOREAN NATION FOR HAVING BRILLIANT COMMANDER OF SONGUN Holiday Common to Humankind NATIONS GLORY SHINES FOREVER REVERING THE SUN OF SONGUN ECHO OF PANMUMJOM BRILLIANT SONGUN COMMANDER OF BAEKDU ON THE ROAD FOR THE PEOPLE Auspicious Event of Humankind, Boundless Praise  A UNIQUE ELDER STATESMAN Peerless Brilliant Commander of Songun IN MEMORIAN GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM JONG IL Comrade Kim Jong Il’s Idea and Exploits Are Immortal Kim Jong Il Will Always Live in Hearts of Koreans and World Progressives SHORT BIOGRAPHY AND MATERIALS ABOUT THE LIFE OF THE GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM JONG IL PAEAN FOR THE SHINING STAR LEADER KIM JONG IL WILL LIVE FOREVER The invincible strength of the Korean People's Army is attributable to Kim Jong Il of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Supreme Commander Kim Jong Un and Guards Division  THE MESSAGE READ THROUGH KIM JONG UN'S VISIT TO PANMUNJOM Immortal Exploits in Songun-based Revolutionary Leadership My Sons and Daughters KIM JONG IL AND SNOW      Quotations from Dear Respected Marshal Kim Jong Un’s Works     - On the 20th Anniversary of Generalissimo Kim Jong Il’s Assumption of  Chairmanship of the DPRK National Defense Commission -    Undying Feats Shining in Party Building History HISTORICAL EVENT SPECIALLY MARKED IN HISTORY OF REUNIFICATION Glorious Annals of the WPK ETERNAL PARTY FLAG OF JUCHE Great National Fortune  Reunification will of brilliant commander  Long Journey for Songun Imperishable Trace in Panmunjom The Sun Is Eternal Illustrious Commander’s Footstep Songun, Treasured Sword for National Prosperity and Reunification Eternal General Secretary of the WPK Eternal Lodestar of Korea’s Reunification Great Exploits for Party Building Great Brilliant Commander Indelible Trace Left in Panmunjom
ASSPUK AND JISGE ON FATHERLAND LIBERATION WAR VICTORY ASSPUK AND JISGE SLAM UNSC STATEMENT ON 2006 N-TEST DPRK SUCCESSFULLY LAUNCHES ROCKET OPPOSE DOUBLE DEALING OF US IMPERIALISM ASSPUK AND JISGE ON SUCCESSFUL ROCKET LAUNCH OF DPRK STATEMENT ON 'LIVING OUR OWN WAY' STATEMENT BY ASSPUK AND JISGE ON THE DECEMBER ANNIVERSARIES OF THE DPRK IN DEFENCE OF JUCHE- BASED SOCIALISM THE GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM JONG ILS’ ON THE SPOT GUIDANCE ,SELF RELIANCE JUCHE AND SOCIAL ADVANCE IN WESTERN EUROPE -A TRIBUTE TO THE GREAT LEADER KIM IL SUNG ON HIS 96TH BIRTHDAY LONG LIVE THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF KOREA ! APPEAL OF AINDF NATIONAL REUNIFICATION COMMITTEE AGAINST FOAL EAGLE STATEMENT OF ASSPUK AND JISGE ON FOAL EAGLE/KEY RESOLVE 2010 DEFEND THE DPRK SOCIALIST SYSTEM BY ASSPUK AND JISGE DAY OF THE SUN APRIL 2010 STATEMENT ON APRIL POPULAR UPRISING STATEMENT OF ASSPUK AND JISGE ON ANNIVERSARY OF START OF WORK AT WPK CC ASSPUK-JISGE STATEMENT ON DAY OF ANTI US STRUGGLE/60TH ANNIVERSARY OF START OF FLW ASSPUK-JISGE-UK KFA STATEMENT ON THE 16TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE PASSING AWAY OF THE GREAT LEADER PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG ASSPUK and JISGE condemn south Korean puppet provocation SPECIAL ARTICLE-DPRK UNPARALLED UNITY AND STABLITY Down with Homefront anti DPRK propaganda-ASSPUK,JISGE and UK KFA FATHER OF THE KOREAN NATION BUILDER OF SOCIALIST KOREA-SPECIAL ARTICLE STRENGTH UNKNOWN SONGUN POLITICS AND THE FATHERLAND LIBERATION WAR -SPEECH TO JULY 23RD SEMINAR OF ASSPUK AND JISGE DPRK NOT AFFECTED BY THE SO CALLED 'WORLD FINANCIAL TURMOIL' DPRK STABLE, UNITED AND HARMONIOUS SOCIETY 51 YEARS OF SONGUN REVOLUTIONARY LEADERSHIP -ASSPUK AND JISGE STATEMENT Giving Full Play to Self-reliance in DPRK ASSPUK AND JISGE SALUTE 63 YEARS OF THE DPRK ! ASSPUK ,JISGE AND UK KFA STATEMENT ON SUCCESFUL WORKER-PEASANT RED GUARD PARADE ASSPUK-JISGE ON ANNIVERSARY OF WPK CONFERENCE ASSPUK and JISGE statement on the 94th anniversary of the birth of Madame Kim Jong Suk immortal communist revolutionary fighter ASSPUK , JISGE and UK KFA slam Western media Statement of the ASSPUK and Juche Idea Study Group of England on the 70th anniversary of the birth of the great leader comrade Kim Jong Il  RETURN TO THE LAND OF JUCHE-REPORT OF APRIL 2012 VISIT BY ASSPUK AND JISGE REPORT OF WORLD JUCHE CONGRESS ASSPUK , JISGE and UK KFA hail successful celebrations of the 66th anniversary of the Korean Childrens Union  ASSPUK and JISGE on the 48th anniversary of the start of Kim Jong Il's work at the Central Committee of the WPK  ON THE 18TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE PASSING AWAY OF THE GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM IL SUNG FAKE LEFT ATTACK THE DPRK OR HOW TROTSYITE CLOWN TARIQ ALI JOINS THE ANTI DPRK CIRCUS -TRANSLATED FROM ORGINAL ARTICLE  THE MEDIOCORITY OF TARIQ ALI IS THE MEDIOCORITY OF REVISIONISM We denounce the arrest of vice-chairman Ro-ASSPUK, JISGE and UK KFA  RESPECTED MARSHAL KIM JONG UN IS THE GREAT SUCCESSOR !  Long live the 52nd anniversary of The great Songun revolutionary leadership ASSPUK and JISGE  ASSPUK and JISGE joint statement in support of dear respected Marshal Kim Jong Un's August 25th speech and order to reunify the country  THE COUNTRY OF GOOD LUCK-SPECIAL ARTICLE Kim Jong Suk Immortal in the hearts of Juche idea followers ASSPUK and JISGE statement  ASSPUK, JISGE and UK KFA denounce farce of anti DPRK racket of "International PEN conference"  ASSPUK,JISGE AND UK KFA HAIL INTRODUCTION OF 12 YEAR COMPULSORY EDUCATION IN THE DPRK Support for statement of NDC Policy Dept Statement Only Death Awaits the Warmongers  DEAR RESPECTED MARSHAL KIM JONG UN IS THE LEADER OF THE ERA !-special article of ASSPUK and JISGE  The Cuban Missile Crisis, Songun and the DPRK  ASSPUK and JISGE support October 9th statement of the DPRK NDC  ASSPUK and JISGE on the 75th anniversary of the publication of the immortal classic work "The Tasks of Korean Communists" special article by ASSPUK and JISGE Yearning for the great leader comrade Kim Jong Il  KIM JONG IL GREAT DEFENDER OF INDEPENDENCE, SONGUN AND SOCIALISM-ASSPUK AND JISGE  ASSPUK , JISGE and UK KFA hail the New Year Address of Marshal KIM JONG UN   ASSPUK and JISGE STATEMENT MARKS THE BIRTHDAY OF DEAR RESPECTED MARSHAL KIM JONG UN  ASSPUK, JISGE and UK KFA support DPRK NDC statement on UNSC resolution  ASSPUK , JISGE and UK KFA denounce unjust and reactionary UNSC resolution  ASSPUK, JISGE and UK KFA support KPA Supreme Command Statement  DPRK's right to pre-emptive strikes  Support for KPA Supreme Command Statement"DPRK Will Show Its Will for Counteraction with Military Action "-ASSPUK,JISGE and UK KFA   On the 101th Anniversary of the Birth of the great leader President KIM IL SUNG  ASSPUK and JISGE salute the 81st anniversary of the foundation of the Korean People's Army    60TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE VICTORY IN THE FATHERLAND  LIBERATION WAR AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE-SPECIAL ARTICLE BY ASSPUK AND JISGE 60th anniversary of Victory in the Great Fatherland Liberation War-ASSPUK and JISGE Report of Visit to the DPRK for the War Victory Celebrations July 2013 ASSPUK, JISGE and UK KFA support statement of KPA General Staff  of 8th of Ocober  South Korea is not a democracy but a fascist puppet regime-oppose Park Geun Hye's visit ! statement of ASSPUK and JISGE  ASSPUK and Juche Idea Study Group of England remember the great leader comrade KIM JONG IL on the 2nd anniversary of his passing away ASSPUK, JISGE and UK KFA on defeat of counter-revolution in Juche Korea !   ASSPUK , JISGE and UK KFA on the 35th anniversary of "Let Us Live our own way ASSPUK, JISGE and UK KFA support Principled Stand on DPRK-U.S. Relations of DPRK NDC  ASSPUK and JISGE on execution of counter-revolutionary traitor Jang ASSPUK and JISGE on the 2nd anniversary of the assumption of the post of KPA Supreme Commander by the dear respected leader Marshal KIM JONG UN   The End of Aggressors Secret of Victory In Praise of WPK Great Mother of Revolution Unfurled Banner of DIU Tradition of DIU Brilliant Life for Reunification
President Kim Il Sung’s
Reminiscences “With the Century


3. The Choice between the Soviet and the People’s Revolutionary Government

(From Chaper 7 of Volume 3 )

Leftist abuses were most rampant in the establishment of structures of political power, and Leftist deviation in the building of political power found its most glaring expression in the line of building the Soviet and in some of its policies, which were the products of the petty bourgeois rashness of people steeped in dogmatism, sycophancy and adventurism.
Political power had been a major subject of discussion among us from the days of the Down-with-Imperialism Union , a subject which nobody had ever ignored. Some people contended that the question of power was a question for the future, which could be taken up by the young people of Korea after the country became independent, the question of a concept of government the construction of which could wait until the sovereignty of the state was restored. We were not in agreement with this view, maintaining that views on the correct form of government directly affected the nature of the revolution which was to be carried out.
While we were in Jilin political power was the subject of extremely heated argument. There was hardly a political forum in Jilin that did not discuss the type of state to be established after the country became independent. While the leaders of the Independence Army who were affiliated with the three nationalist organizations vehemently supported royalist government or bourgeois republicanism, politicians who had belonged to the old Korean Communist Party such as Kim Chan, An Kwang Chon and Sin Il Yong advocated the immediate introduction of socialism and a proletarian dictatorship.
Pak So Sim adhered to the classic schema and argued over the question of a worker-peasant dictatorship. He supported the idea of the workers and peasants becoming the masters of state power, but he shook his head, saying that he did not like the word “dictatorship.”
Differences in the degree of their political awareness and their interests led some of the young people in Jilin to express their support for royalist government, while some had a lingering interest in bourgeois republicanism and others applauded the Soviet Union ’s type of socialism.
Kim Hyok, Cha Kwang Su, Kye Yong Chun, Sin Yong Gun and other communists of the younger generation did not like the old men of the Independence Army who spoke out for the restoration of royalist government. They also had doubts about the proponents of immediate socialism.
This state of affairs obliged us to engage in heated polemics about political power as a major question in the students and young people’s forum, which dealt mainly with political affairs.
Later, at the meeting held in Kalun, we defined the nature of the Korean revolution as anti-imperialist, anti-feudal and democratic. On this basis, we emphasized that the Korean communists must establish a political system for the people in liberated Korea , a democratic government which would champion the interests of the broad working masses including the workers, peasants, working intellectuals, national capitalists and religious believers, and would reject royalist government or bourgeois parliamentarism.
We maintained essentially the same position when the question of power was discussed at the meeting held in Mingyuegou in December 1931.
With the establishment of guerrilla bases in the Jiandao area, the type of political power to be established became the subject of wide-scale discussion. In order to maintain and administer those guerrilla zones which were liberated areas, it was necessary to set up a government which would organize the economic activities of the people, educate them and develop culture in the area under its jurisdiction. Without establishing a government in the guerrilla zones, which were the embryo of a state, it would be impossible to provide the people with a livelihood and mobilize them in the struggle.
From the autumn of 1932, therefore, the communists in east Manchuria undertook the historic task of establishing the government in the guerrilla zones. On the occasion of the anniversary of the October Revolution in the same year, a mass meeting was held in Gayahe, Wangqing County , and the establishment of a Soviet government was proclaimed. Almost simultaneously, Soviet power was established in Wangougou and Sandaowan in Yanji County . The establishment of the revolutionary government in the guerrilla zones must be regarded as a significant step towards realizing the people’s cherished desire.
In its initial stage, I, too, was pleased at the establishment of Soviet power in the guerrilla zones. I considered that the name of the government was not important as long as the government championed the people’s interests.
In those days “Soviet enthusiasm” was sweeping throughout east Manchuria . The establishment of Soviet power was recognized as a historical trend by revolutionaries and progressive people in all countries which aspired to socialism and communism. This hot wind swept through Europe and Asia . The establishment of the Chinese Soviet in Ruijin and of the Nghe Tinh Soviet in Vietnam are clear examples.
Even those who regarded the Korean revolution as a bourgeois democratic revolution spoke about a worker-peasant Soviet government.
The “Action Programme of the Communist Party of Korea” which had been drafted by Choe Song U, a Korean, and other people working at the Comintern headquarters, in cooperation with the officials in charge of the Oriental Department of the Executive Committee of the Comintern (Kuusinen, Magyar and Okano), proposed the immediate task of “establishing a Soviet state of workers and peasants,” along with the complete independence of Korea.
Unconditional support and acceptance of the Soviet line in revolutionary practice was a matter 01 common sense beyond dispute in the international communist movement and was regarded as a criterion for distinguishing between the stances of communist revolution and opportunism. The establishment of a Soviet government was regarded as the most important task by the communist parties and communist organizations in capitalist countries, to say nothing of the colonies and semi-colonial countries. In fact. Soviet power became the ideal of the entire world proletariat.
The Soviet idea was so very influential because it was recognized as the only type of government capable of putting an end to all manner of exploitation and oppression and building a welfare society that would regard the interests of the working masses as absolute.
A free and peaceful new world without exploitation and oppression was the age-long dream and ideal of humanity.
The newborn Soviet government in Russia had proved its unprecedented effectiveness in suppressing the insurrection of the overthrown exploiting class, defending the country from the invasion of allied imperialist forces, rehabilitating the economy, and pressing forward with the building of socialism. The triumphant advance of Soviet socialism aroused an admiration among the people which was little short of belief in an illusion.
It was by no means unreasonable for mankind to regard the Soviet Union as a beacon-light and accept the Soviet as the best and most advanced of all forms of government. It was natural that the people of Jiandao, which was adjacent to the Soviet Union and subject to its influence in many ways, should be swayed by illusions about Soviet power.
On my return to Wangqing from the campaigns in south and north Manchuria , I was dumbfounded at the complaints against the Soviet policy that could be heard in all parts of the guerrilla zone.
These complaints indicated serious problems that we could not overlook.
I saw instantly that the rumours spread by disgruntled people contained some truth.
As I travelled around the guerrilla zone, I learned about the people’s attitude towards Soviet power in greater detail. My constant contacts and candid conversations with hundreds of people gave me a full picture of the consequences of Leftist Soviet policy.
The inhabitants of the guerrilla zone began to be disillusioned by Soviet power from the time when the government, following the slogan of the immediate introduction of socialism, proclaimed the abolition of private property, and brought all personal property and real estate under communal ownership. Everything was communalized, from land and provisions to the farming tools and implements such as sickles, hoes and pitchforks that had belonged to individual peasants. After this sweeping introduction of communal ownership, the Soviet government subjected all the inhabitants of the guerrilla zone-men and women, young and old-to the new order of communal life, communal labour and communal distribution. This was the life of the artel proclaimed by the Soviet radicals.
This policy amounted to sending kindergarten children to university without giving them primary and secondary education. The Soviet government also expropriated, without compensation, all the rich farmers and landowners, regardless of whether they were large landowners, small landowners, pro-Japanese landowners or anti-Japanese landowners, and even confiscated their cattle, horses and provisions.
Those landowners who remained in the guerrilla zone even after the land of east Manchuria had been divided into “Red territory” and “White territory,” were in general patriotic and strongly opposed to the Japanese. They gave enthusiastic support to the guerrilla army when the communists were raising an army in Wangqing.
One of those progressive landowners was a Chinese named Zhang Shi-ming. At the time of its large-scale “punitive” invasion, in the spring of 1932, the Japanese Jiandao task force even burnt down his grain store. Even though the “punitive” forces ordered a forced evacuation at bayonet-point, Zhang Shi-ming remained in the guerrilla zone, instead of moving to Daduchuan. His previous grievances against the Japanese were augmented that spring. Landowner though he was, he had given unstinting material and moral support to the people in the guerrilla zone.
“Officers and men from the guerrilla army,” he would say to the guerrillas who came to him for contributions. “I am remaining here in this valley because I hate to see the Japanese. Please at least drive them away from Daduchuan!”
The people in the guerrilla zone were on good terms with him.
But the Soviet government drove even this landowner away to the enemy-ruled area. He pleaded with the Soviet government for permission to live in the guerrilla zone, but the Soviet rejected his request.
“The Soviet government has decided to expropriate the property of all landowners,” the Soviet informed him. “It is true that your anti-Japanese spirit is strong and you have given generous support to the work of the guerrilla zone, but you are a member of the exploiting class, and we are obliged to eliminate you. Leave this place quickly.”
All the property of this landowner who had given wholehearted support to the revolution was confiscated there and then and put into a storehouse which was at the disposal of the Soviet government The beggared landowner left in tears to go to Daduchuan, where the Japanese forces were stationed.
Those who obeyed the order to carry out a purge at that time even took the children’s flower-patterned shoes from the chests at landowners’ houses. The Chinese people had an interesting custom according to which, when a female baby was born to them, they prepared the shoes for the children the female baby would have when she grew and married. Such shoes were called “flower-patterned shoes.” They used to make shoes of various sizes for babies younger than one year, for one-year olds, two-year olds and so on upwards, and then store them in chests. The chests contained some shoes as small as thimbles.
Having meekly allowed even these shoes to be taken away, what thoughts would these landlords carry with them as they left the guerrilla zone? The valley of Xiaowangqing was crowded with cattle and horses that had been confiscated from propertied people. There were more than enough of them to stock a sizable farm, and every young person in the guerrilla zone went about on horseback. It was what one might call a fashion under Soviet rule.
The Leftist elements even regarded Chinese women’s customs of wearing earrings and wrapping their feet tight to check their growth as evils to be combatted.
During the first half of the 1930s, Leftist abuses were rampant in east Manchuria , and this Leftist tyranny subjected the sacred revolutionary principles to a severe test. How did this Leftist wind come to sweep the whole of east Manchuria ? Were all the revolutionaries in the guerrilla zones in Jiandao hooligans or lunatics? No. The overwhelming majority of the communists who were administering the guerrilla zone were good people with noble revolutionary ideals and warm hearts.
They loved people and nourished the aspiration to justice more warmly than others. How was it, then, that these sympathetic and discreet people committed the irretrievable error of advocating and implementing this Leftist policy? We identified the cause in the policy itself and in the ideological immaturity of the people who had determined the line. These absurdities in revolutionary practice were produced by the unrealistic directives issued by people at the top of the hierarchy who, in ignorance of specific circumstances, aped the ill-digested principles of the classics and lessons of earlier experience.
In those years, the blind rejection of people, indiscriminate elimination, overthrow and ostracism were considered to be in keeping with a thoroughgoing class approach, the qualities of the most advanced revolutionaries.
The instance of a widow who lent at a small rate of interest the money she had earned by weaving cloth by hand was labelled as a usurer, so that her promissory note was thrown into fire and even her capital confiscated by some peasants in Wangqing, shows what a sacred cow this Leftist practice had become. Unless they were misled by some of their leaders, the simple peasants could not have resorted to such absurdities.
Once I was surprised to hear how a company commander, Ri Ung Man, had joined the guerrilla army in Wangqing.
In the early days of recruiting, only people from the working class, poor peasantry and hired farm hands were admitted to the armed ranks. Ri Ung Man’s father had owned a little more than three hectares of sterile hillside land, so he had not been considered a poor peasant. He had applied to join the ranks more than once, but his earnest requests had been turned down because he came from an undesirable family. He had been told that a man with more than three hectares was a middle peasant.
After many days of mental torture, he had sold his father’s land without his parents’ knowledge, bought a box of Browning pistols, and taken it to the armed group, begging to be admitted. Only then had he been accepted. He was glad that he had become a guerrilla, but his family was at a loss, left without any means of livelihood.
My resolve to combat Leftist evils grew still firmer after I moved to Jiandao. I have been combatting them all my life ever since. My experience in those days has been of great help in my postliberation struggle to counter Leftist evils and eliminate bureaucratic tendencies.
Under the cloak of slick revolutionary phrases and ultra-party slogans, the Leftists continually mock the masses, abuse and deceive them, in pursuit of their own glory and advancement. From these selfish motives, they depict themselves as tanks or armoured vehicles advancing in the forefront of struggle. Thus counterrevolutionaries make use of the cloak of Leftism. So all communists must always be highly vigilant and not allow the Leftists to get a foothold in their camp.
The Leftist Soviet policy plunged the guerrilla bases into a state of vacillation and confusion which was difficult to rectify. A large number of families, disillusioned and discontented with the Soviet policy, departed for enemy-ruled territory.
One night, on our way to Sancidao where Choe Chun Guk, the political instructor of the 2nd company, was working, my men and I met a middle-aged man and his family who were fleeing from the guerrilla zone. The man was leaving by night for fear of being labelled a counterrevolutionary if he was caught travelling in daylight. The five members of his family were carrying a few bundles or almost empty-handed. The three children were helped by their parents as they hobbled along.
The man, who looked about 50, trembled at the sight of our armed group. He seemed struck with dismay at having been discovered by a guerrilla commander.
“Have you done anything wrong?” I asked in a gentle voice, drawing the three shivering children to me one by one.
“No, nothing.”
“Why, then, are you leaving the guerrilla zone?”
“It is too hard to live here....”
“Where are you going, then? Things will be even worse in the enemy area, won’t they?”
“We have been living here because we couldn’t endure the Japanese atrocities, so why should we go back to them? We are going deeper into the mountains to live by slashing and burning the land where no one will disturb our peace.”
At his words my heart felt weary with oppression. I wondered if they could find the peace of mind they sought in a deeper recess of the mountain than Macun, a recess which offered no guarantee of a livelihood in the days to come.
“The thaw has not yet set in, have you food enough to last until it does?” I asked.
“No. We shall live as long as we can, and we may die.... That’s all there is to it. My very life is a nuisance to me now.”
As she listened to him, the sobs of the man’s wife shook her shoulders. The three children who were in my arms also burst into tears.
I fought back my own tears as I was standing blankly in the darkness. If all the people left one by one in this manner, on whom could we rely in making the revolution? Why had our revolution entered this dead end? The consequences of the reckless Soviet policy had been too destructive.
“Things will be put to rights soon. So don’t feel too discouraged. Let’s wait till things are smoothed over.”
I sent him and his family back home with an escort of my men. I changed my plan of staying overnight in the barracks of the 2nd company and called on old man Choe Ja Ik at Xidapo. The heart-rending incident of the miserable family prompted me to try to dig into the depths of the people’s minds. Choe Ja Ik was the father of Choe In Jim, who, after joining the Wangqing special detachment, had been promoted to company commander and then to regimental commander of an independent brigade before he fell in battle. Whenever I visited Sancidao, I had paid a call on Choe Ja Ik.
Being a well-informed man, he had even served as secretary of the northern political and military administration headed by So Il. Moreover, he was open-minded and candid, and told me many instructive things whenever I met him.
“Old man, how are you getting along these days?” I greeted him.
“I think I am living just because I am alive,” he said bluntly in reply to my greetings.
Believing that his intonation expressed the people’s mind, I asked again, “Is your life in the guerrilla zone so hard?”
At this question, the old man flew into a rage and began to grumble, saying:
“I put up with the Soviet government when it took away my work animals and farm implements. I guessed that we were following the example of collective farming in Russia , for which the Russians had collected such things. But when I saw the people from the Soviet collecting spoons and chopsticks a few days ago for what they called a communal eating house, I spat at them. I said, ‘Shall we old people leave our under-floor-heated rooms and walk to and from the public eating house in the cold weather three times every day? I cannot live in this manner any longer. If you are going to create a hell and call it a kommuna or artel, do it yourselves, young men. We are already out of breath and can’t keep up with you any longer.’ And then there was what they called the purge of feudalism, when old people were subjected to criticism by their daughters-in-law at mass meetings. Has anything so ridiculous ever happened in the five-thousand-year-long history of our country? And still, my son. In Jun, told me not to slander the Soviet. So I was going to break his back.”
If the father of a commander of the guerrilla army could spat on Soviet policy, there was clearly no need to probe the attitude of other people any further.
Later, during the terrible days of the ultra-Leftist struggle against the “Minsaengdan,” and during the sad days when the soldiers and the people were bidding a tearful farewell to one another prior to the break-up of the guerrilla zones, I often recalled the old man lamenting over the things that were happening, pounding his breast with his fists, at the time when I met him.
Less than half a year after the establishment of the Soviet government, the relations between the Korean and Chinese peoples had deteriorated again. Most of the landowners who had been expropriated were Chinese, so it was natural that a situation similar to one at the time of the May 30 Uprising should recur. The Chinese nationalist army, which was opposed to the Japanese, once again became hostile to the Korean communists. The national salvation army and Chinese landowners were now our enemies, in addition to the Japanese and Manchukuo armies.
The anti-Japanese guerrilla army found itself once again in the restricted circumstances of the days of its establishment, when its small units had to hide in the back-rooms of other people’s houses. The guerrillas once again had to be billeted cautiously on Korean settlements. It was quite impossible to rename ourselves as Chinese special detachments. Whenever they met us, the national salvation army units would attack us, calling us “gaolibangzi” (a Chinese derogatory term for the Koreans-Tr.). Guerrilla activity was effectively reduced to a semi-underground struggle.
Everything that had been built up by our year-long struggle was being brought to nought.
Our comrades began to develop divergent opinions of Soviet policy. Some of them said that, since things had come to this. we should go to Russia to learn the methods of revolution and then make a fresh start; some of them insisted that, since the way the people in Jiandao were doing things would make a mess of the revolution, we should return to our own ground and fight in our own way; and another man let slip that it would be better to go home and fulfil his filial duty to his parents than to fight for something which was not much like a revolution. The Chinese comrade who wished to go home was allowed to do so, and another Chinese comrade who wished to study in the Soviet Union was sent there.
Even in this state of affairs, the people in charge of the guerrilla zone could not bring themselves to change their policy. The east Manchuria ad hoc committee which was in a position of leadership had no defined line of its own with which to amend the policy of the Comintern.
Somebody had to smooth over this chaotic situation and save the guerrilla zone from collapse, even at the risk of being stigmatized as a Rightist. This task required determination and the formulation of new theses capable of countering the Leftist Soviet line. It was about this time that I wrote a thesis on eliminating factionalism and strengthening the unity of the revolutionary ranks and published it in a pamphlet.
I had made up my mind to take issue with Tong Chang-rong at Macun over the type of government to be established. However, county party secretary Ri Yong Guk and a few others dissuaded me from doing so. They said it would be useless to argue with him because the “Decision of the East Manchuria ad hoc Committee on the Great Programme of Building the Soviet” had already been issued to its subordinate units and a Soviet government had been established at Sishuiping. They even warned me that if the argument went the wrong way, I might be punished. Ri Yong Guk told me briefly how Kim Paek Ryong had been charged as a Rightist because of his careless criticism of the Soviet.
Kim Paek Ryong was working as a member of a county party committee in north Manchuria . At the time when propaganda was at its height prior to the formation of the Soviet in Jiandao, he came, by way of the east Manchuria ad hoc committee, to Wangqing district No. 5, which had been selected as the first demonstration unit for the establishment of the Soviet government.
When he heard that a Soviet government was going to be set up in the district, he said that it was premature to have it in east Manchuria . Because of this single statement, he had been stigmatized as a Right opportunist and became the target of active measures. The incident ended with his escape to north Manchuria .
In the winter of 1934, two years after I heard the story of his case from Ri Yong Guk, I met Kim Paek Ryong at Badaohezi, Ningan County . At the time he was the secretary of the district party committee.
He recollected with sadness the incident in the autumn of 1932 in which he had been branded as a Rightist capitulator because of his statement that a Soviet government was premature. By the time I met him, the Leftist Soviet policy had been rectified, and the people’s revolutionary government had long been administering the guerrilla zone, so he did not hesitate to criticize the proponents of the reckless. Leftist Soviet line. In my talk with him I found him an extremely intelligent and upright man.
I asked him why he had said that it was premature to establish the Soviet.
“The reason is simple,” Kim Paek Ryong replied. “When I was in Gayahe, I talked with a lot of peasants and found that they did not even know the meaning of the word Soviet. So I said it was premature to create a Soviet which was beyond the people’s comprehension.”
In fact, the people in those days did not understand the meaning of the word, and this fact indicated their lack of preparedness.
The old people in Gayahe who participated in the election to the district Soviet took the word “Soviet” to mean soksaepho (automatic gun-Tr.).
“I watched the platform after the election,” one of them remarked, “for I had been expecting automatic guns from the Soviet, the guns that would kill many Japanese. But it produced only a red flag.”
Some of the people from Macun, who attended the ceremony for the establishment of the Soviet at Wangqing district No. 2, mistook the word “Soviet” for soebochi (tin pail-Tr.). Another villager was said to have asked voters to take a close look at the Soviet and see whether it was large or small. Some other villagers were said to have gone out with baskets to gather wild vegetables, because they had nothing special to offer the Soviet, an important guest.
These subjective interpretations of the meaning of the word or comical mistakes were due, of course, to the people’s ignorance, and in particular to ineffective propaganda on the part of their leaders. The titles of public lectures, for instance, were full of loanwords such as Soviet, kolkhoz and kommuna which were beyond the people’s comprehension. As for the Soviet itself, the propagandists themselves had no clear idea of what it was.
After the establishment of Soviet power everywhere, the radical elements who had been poisoned with Leftist ideas swaggered about, shouting loudly about the dictatorship of the working class, poor peasants and hired farm hands, as if the revolution had already been carried through.
In spite of the advice of the comrades at Wangqing, I did challenge Tong Chang-rong to a debate about the appropriate form of government.
“The birth of the revolutionary government in Jiandao and its proclamation is an event to rejoice at. But, Comrade Tong Chang-rong, I cannot remain a silent onlooker when our policy of the united front is being encroached upon by the Soviet line.”
Tong Chang-rong looked at me in surprise.
“It is being encroached upon? What do you mean by that?” he asked.
“As I told you at Mingyuegou, we have adopted the line of rallying all the patriotic, anti-Japanese forces, who are interested in our revolution, into a strong political force, and we have striven to implement this line at the cost of our blood in the homeland and Manchuria over the past years. In the course of this struggle, we have united many people, including patriotic believers, shopkeepers and manufacturers, junior officials and even landowners. But the Soviet policy has rejected them all indiscriminately. Until yesterday, they supported or sympathized with the revolution, but now they turn away from it or are opposed to it. The relations between the Korean and Chinese peoples have been aggravated once again.”
Tong Chang-rong smiled, patting me on the wrist.
“That is quite possible, but it is not a matter of great importance. What is important is that the Soviet government has met all the requirements of the people. The revolution is triumphing. The workers and peasants, the vast majority of the masses, are following the Soviet government. What is there to be afraid of? I believe that, with the support of the workers and peasants, we can carry out whatever revolution we need. We have to be prepared to lose a minority, don’t we?”
“I admit that there may be losses. But why should we reject people who can be won over? Our general strategy is to isolate the enemy as far as possible and win over as many people as possible. That is why we have risked our lives working among the anti-Japanese nationalist forces over the past year. We communists have managed to recover the prestige that was damaged by the May 30 Uprising, and we have resolved the discord between the Korean and Chinese peoples by dint of painstaking effort. But now there is the danger again that the results of these great efforts may be brought to nothing overnight.”
“Comrade Kim Il Sung, surely you are too pessimistic?”
“No. I am in the habit of always looking on the bright side. The revolution will, of course, continue its victorious advance. But, Comrade Tong Chang-rong, I cannot help being deeply worried about the negative consequences of the Leftist policy in east Manchuria . I believe that the party in east Manchuria must give prudent consideration to this matter.”
“So you mean that the policy should be reconsidered?”
“Yes, the policy should be reconsidered as well as the form of government that shapes the policy.”
Tong Chang-rong frowned disapprovingly and then said, “Comrade Kim Il Sung, there may indeed be errors in the policy of the Soviet government, but the form of the government is inviolable. The policy concerning the establishment of Soviet power comes from the centre.”
The argument continued.
He persisted in his opinion, describing the Soviet as an absolute. He was a man of moderate character and kind heart, but a die-hard. He was well-informed, but dogmatic in his thinking and practice.
We resumed the argument on another day, when the point at issue was whether to maintain the Soviet or abandon it, and if it was to be discarded, what form of a new government should be adopted.
I said that, since life had proved that the Soviet was not suited to the guerrilla zone in east Manchuria where the task of anti-imperialist, anti-feudal democratic revolution should be addressed, the Korean and Chinese communists must resolutely change the form of government, and adopt a policy capable of meeting the requirements of the people in order to calm down the chaotic situation.
In reply to my cogent argument, Tong Chang-rong said, “I, too, admit that the Soviet does not suit the specific situation of east Manchuria and that some of its political measures have resulted in losses to the revolution. I now understand why the other day you expressed your apprehension concerning the united-front line being encroached upon by the Soviet line. Comrade Kim Il Sung, the grave developments in east Manchuria in recent months have compelled me to give serious consideration to your warning. To our regret, however, we have not yet decided on a form of government that can replace the Soviet.”
I was pleased by this change m the opinion of the secretary of the ad hoc committee. He was no longer the same die-hard who had insisted that the Soviet was the only type of government for the communists at the high tide of revolution when the masses were in buoyant spirits.
“The Commune and the Soviet are the only forms of working-class government that mankind has ever discovered, aren’t they?” Tong Chang-rong asked, and gazed at me. His eyes seemed to suggest that, if I had a form that might convince him, he would not choose to object to it.
“If that is so, then let us make up a suitable one for ourselves,” I said.
“For ourselves? I’m afraid that I’m not such a great genius. How can we make up things that are not mentioned in Marx’s classic works?”
I could not agree with this view or attitude which regarded things as immutable and absolute, from which one could not deviate.
“Comrade Tong Chang-rong, did the French working class refer to any classics when they created the Commune? Was the Russian Soviet proposed by the founders of Marxism in their classic works? How can you regard the Soviet as the brainchild of a genius? If the people had not required it, if the Russian situation had not required it, I think the Soviet would not have emerged in the arena of history.”
Without giving any sign of what he thought, Tong Chang-rong produced a large tobacco pouch from his pocket, filled his pipe and set it between his lips, then offered the pouch to me. He used to carry the tobacco pouch and the pipe in his hand while inspecting the guerrilla zone. When he met a peasant on the way he would fill the pipe and then offer it to the peasant. He was a man of peculiar character, and this simplicity of his won him love and respect from the people in the guerrilla zone. In winter he went about in a fur cap like those worn by local peasants.
His silence vexed me, but the fact that he refrained from further argument was a good omen.
Following my conversation with him, I met Ri Yong Guk, Kim Myong Gyun, Jo Chang Dok and some other military and political cadres, and discussed with them the question of replacing the Soviet with a new revolutionary government. We debated the matter seriously for several days.
For purposes of a smooth discussion, we emphasized the importance of a criterion for defining the form of the government.
I asserted that we must not make the criterion too complicated, and that, since we were all fighting for the people and were their faithful servants, determined to dedicate all our lives to their cause, we must draw the criterion from the character of our revolution at that stage, laying emphasis on whether the government we were going to establish would be able to champion the interests of all sections of the population and whether it would enjoy their enthusiastic support.
On hearing this, my comrades cheered, saying that everything was now clear to them, that a government which was to champion the interests of all sections of the population must be a united-front government, since the term “all sections of the population” would mean not only the workers and poor or hired peasants, but other broad sections of the people, that a united-front government would suit the character of the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal democratic revolution, and that they would welcome such a government with open arms.
I again emphasized that the united-front government must be a people’s revolutionary government based on a worker-peasant alliance. Nowadays, this is known in the history books as the line on the establishment of the people’s revolutionary government.
There is no need to mention the result of our vote, for they believed that the form of people’s revolutionary government we chose suited to east Manchuria, where Koreans were the overwhelming majority of the inhabitants, was ideally suited to the character of the Korean revolution which was directed at democracy and against imperialism and feudalism, and that it met the requirements of the people. We discovered the criterion for the form of government in the people’s requirements and in a means of championing and representing the people’s interests.
After deciding on the form of government, we agreed to set an example in one district and, if the result was accepted as good, to extend the example to other revolutionary districts. District No. 5 was chosen as the unit in which to set an example.
Ri Yong Guk, Kim Myong Gyun and I visited Wangqing district No. 5 and attended the meeting to elect the district committee of the people’s revolutionary government. The meeting was held at the village of Xiamudan , two and half a miles away from Sishuiping. The day was the anniversary of the MOPR, a Russian acronym for the International Organization for Assisting Revolutionaries. The Executive Committee of the Comintern decided in 1923 to establish this organization for the purpose of assisting the families of revolutionary martyrs, and set March 18 as the international anniversary of the MOPR.
Jo Chang Dok, chairman of the fifth district Soviet government, showed us into the office of the Soviet, where I talked to about 20 peasants from Gayahe.
“We have decided to set up a new government to replace the Soviet government. It must represent your will. What kind of government would you like to set up?” I asked.
An old man rose and answered, “If the government to be set up will make our life easier, we’ll ask for nothing more.”
I declared excitedly that a people’s revolutionary government would be established in place of the Soviet government, and that the new government would be the first genuine people’s government in the world history of political power.
“This government will represent and champion the interests of all the people who love their country and their fellow people. It will fulfil their most cherished desires. What are your cherished desires? The people’s revolutionary government will fulfil all of your desires to own land, to have the right to work, to educate your children, and to have equality for all.”
The people from Gayahe fully supported the line of the people’s revolutionary government which I explained to them.
Prior to the ceremony to proclaim the establishment of the people’s revolutionary government, we saw to it that all expropriated private property was returned to the former owners. In order to compensate for what had been damaged or consumed after expropriation, Ryang Song Ryong even organized an armed raid on a lumber station. The cattle and horses captured from the enemy in that battle were used by the peasants to cultivate the land distributed to them in the spring of that year.
At the meeting I made a speech to the effect that the people’s revolutionary government was truly a people’s government, and then the government’s ten-point programme was announced.
This programme was later incorporated almost without amendment into the Ten-point Programme of the Association for the Restoration of the Fatherland.
Still vivid in my memory is the image of the county party secretary, Ri Yong Guk, during the meeting at the village in Sishuiping. While everyone was enjoying themselves dancing together, he sat in a corner, shedding tears.
I slipped away from the dancing party and walked over to him.
“Comrade Secretary, why are you sad when everyone is dancing?”
Without even attempting to dry the tears trickling down his cheeks, Ri Yong Guk heaved a deep sigh.
“I can’t see why these people do not spit at me. The Wangqing people have suffered from Leftist evils entirely because of me. But they thanked me. Commander Kim, you are the man who should receive thanks from them.”
“Our people are generous and good-natured. The fact that instead of settling accounts with you the people thanked you. Secretary, means that they have accepted the line of the people’s revolutionary government wholeheartedly. From now onwards, let us give our minds only to the future.”
“I have not been living in my right mind, but in some other man’s. You have opened my eyes to a truth of genuine value. Let us live for the people! What profound meaning there is in this simple motto! I will remember it all my life,” Ri Yong Guk firmly resolved, squeezing my hand.
He was not able to live up to his pledge, for the east Manchuria ad hoc committee dismissed him from his post of secretary of the county party committee. The ad hoc committee said that Ri Yong Guk was dismissed because he had belonged to the M-L group and the Wangqing county party committee was guilty of an ultra-Leftist error in implementing the Soviet line. It also said that he was suspected of having been involved in the case of the “Minsaengdan.”
The charge that Ri Yong Guk had belonged to the M-L group was not true. When involved in youth work at Xilinhe he had been recommended for the post of secretary of the Young Communist League under the east Manchuria ad hoc committee by a man who had been involved in the M-L group. That was all. It was unreasonable and immoral that the secretary of the county party committee was alone held responsible for all the evils resulting from the ultra-Leftist Soviet line. If Ri Yong Guk had deserved the punishment of dismissal, then what punishment should have been meted out to the people who had imposed the Soviet line upon their subordinates and the men who had forced him to implement the line? The charge that Ri Yong Guk had been a “Minsaengdan” member was totally unfounded.
I stated on several occasions that he had been neither a factionalist nor a “Minsaengdan” member.
However, while I was in Luozigou for negotiation with Wu Yi-cheng , Ri Yong Guk was executed on a false charge of being a “counterrevolutionary.” His records contained no evidence to prove him to be a “Minsaengdan” member. He had once taken refuge in the Maritime Province of Siberia from the wholesale arrest and he could have lived there in peace as an exile for the rest of his life. Nevertheless, he had returned to Jiandao and plunged into the tempest in order to serve the cause of the revolution.
I still do not understand why it was necessary to label such a faithful and honest man a “Minsaengdan” member.
Not long after the establishment of the people’s revolutionary government in the district No. 5, Tong Chang-rong came to me and said, with a pleasant smile on his face, “Comrade Kim Il Sung, we are going to discuss the matter of a change in me political line before long, with the participation of a man sent from the Comintern. I hope that you, Comrade Kim Il Sung, will make the keynote speech, since you have the experience of having established the people’s revolutionary government in the district No. 5.”
In the summer of that year, an important meeting was held to discuss the change in the political line. The meeting was attended by a man who had been sent to east Manchuria from the Comintern, who brought with him a document concerning the change in the line.
At the meeting I proposed the line of a people’s revolutionary government as a united-front government based on a worker-peasant alliance, and explained once again the draft of the governments policy, which included land reform and other democratic measures to be implemented by the government in the fields of the economy, education, culture, public health and military affairs. Our policy was in agreement with the new line formulated by the Comintern. The man from the Comintern expressed his full support for and approval of the line on the establishment of the people’s revolutionary government.
The meeting, which lasted many days in an atmosphere of serious debate and ideological struggle, adopted a decision to reorganize the Soviet in accordance with our line of the people’s revolutionary government and to combat the evil consequences of the Leftist Soviet line in all the guerrilla zones.
After the meeting, all the Soviets in east Manchuria were reshaped into people’s revolutionary governments. In places where the conditions were not ripe, measures were adopted to form peasant committees and gradually reorganize them into a people’s revolutionary government. Property that had been expropriated in the name of the abolition of private property and consumed by the people in the guerrilla zones was compensated for by the new government in cash and in kind.
The people’s revolutionary government, which was run by the people, its masters, implemented democracy for the popular masses, the overwhelming majority of the population, and exercised dictatorship over the enemy.
The establishment of the people’s revolutionary government in Gayahe and the meeting that had adopted the changed line led to the emergence of a people’s revolutionary government in every district of the revolutionary organization in east Manchuria , and also in every village. Each district people’s revolutionary government had its own chairman and vice-chairman, and nine to eleven executive committee members. It also had departments of the land, military affairs, economics, food, communications, and medical services.
This was the embryo and prototype of the people’s government to be established in the liberated homeland.
The people’s revolutionary government distributed land to the peasants without compensation and enforced an eight-hour working day in all the guerrilla zones. In those days there were approximately a thousand workers in the Xiaowangqing guerrilla base. Most of them were lumbermen, raftsmen and charcoal burners. Five hundred of them worked at Sancidao, the administrative centre of the district No. 2, and the other five hundred at the foot of the Fangcao Mountains near Macun. They all benefited from the eight-hour working day.
The people’s revolutionary government took stringent measures to ensure that private entrepreneurs doubled the workers’ pay.
The government also placed the forests in and around the guerrilla zones under its control and prohibited the felling of trees without its permission.
In these circumstances, the Japanese manager of the Qinhe lumber station at Daduchuan and Chinese lumber dealers came to the guerrilla-zone authorities to negotiate permission for timber-felling. The matter was settled so that the purchasers paid one yuan for a piece of lumber, but payment was made in kind, in items such as clothing, food and other consumer items.
The people’s revolutionary government established the Children’s Corps schools and gave the children free education, and it ensured that all the population received free medical care at the hospitals at Lishugou and Shiliping in the guerrilla zone. A law on women’s equality was enforced and women participated in public life and work, on a basis of equal rights with men.
Printing works, tailors’ shops and weapons repair works were operated in the guerrilla zone.
Cultural activities in the guerrilla zones produced many famous songs of lasting significance for our people, and theatrical art flourished, producing many original works, which later developed into such masterpieces as The Sea of Blood , The Fate of a Self-Defence Corps Man, and so on.
The term “Soviet,” symbolic of inhumanity and expropriation, remained only a memento of the past. The people who had fled to the enemy-held area from the evils of the Soviet policy began to return to the guerrilla zones one by one or in groups. Old people freely visited their neighbours, carrying their pipes at their waists. The guerrilla zone rang once again with the laughter of a large and harmonious community of people who trusted, loved and relied on one another.
The valleys and mountains of Wangqing, which had withstood the severe winter, began to be adorned with various kinds of rustling flowers: the throbbing of a new life was in evidence.
This life roused such envy that the son of a landowner, who had been held hostage at Xiaowangqing by Commander Chat’s unit, begged to be allowed to live in the guerrilla zone.