ON SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION IN THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF KOREA AND THE SOUTH KOREAN REVOLUTION

Home JUCHE VERSUS GLOBALIZATION A REVIEW OF THE WORK "PROGRESSIVE JOURNALISTS OF THE FIVE CONTIENTS WIELD YOUR POWERFUL REVOLUTIONARY PEN AND STERNLY CONDEMN US IMPERIALISM" KIM IL SUNG 18 SEPTEMBER 1969 PROUD COURSE OF THE DPRK WPK EVER VICTORIOUS WITH SONGUN TORCH OF THE DOWN WITH IMPERIALISM UNION BRILLIANT LIFE OF  A REVOLUTIONARY THE ROAD TRAVELLED BY THE WORKERS'  PARTY OF KOREA COMBAT IMPERIALIST IDEOLOGICAL AND CULTURAL POISIONING WHO STARTED THE KOREAN WAR JUCHE IDEA BEACON ILLUMINATING WAY AHEAD FOR MANKIND  THE WPK AND DIU US IMPERIALISTS STARTED THE KOREAN WAR THE LEADERSHIP PHILOSOPHY OF KIM JONG IL KIM IL SUNG CONDENSED BIOGRAPHY DPRK BOOKS  WHAT IS JUCHE ? LEADER KIM JONG IL AND KOREA TODAY GREAT CONTRIBUTION-MADAME KIM JONG SUK Comrade Kim Jong Suk Alive Forever in the Hearts of Mankind WHY JUCHE DPRK REFERENCE SECTION -LINKS TO DPRK BOOKS IN PDF THE JUCHE IDEA AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES-CONTRIBUTED BY A NEW MEMBER OF THE JISGE presentation on the work FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NON ALIGNED MOVEMENT made 0n 17th September presentation on the work "Let Us Accomplish the Cause of Socialism and Communism Under the revolutionary banner of the Juche Idea" made at meeting on 17/09/11 PRAISE FOR THE WORKERS' PARTY OF KOREA ANECEDOTE ABOUT MADAME KIM JONG SUK-A BOILING GRUEL POT IN DEFENCE OF SONGUN KOREA, THE MEMORY OF THE GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM JONG IL AND THE SONGUN REVOLUTIONARY LEADERSHIP VIDEO AND MEDIA SECTION(NEW) WORK ONGOING INCARNATION OF HUMAN LOVE Inheritance of the Socialist Cause  Imperishable Achievements Accomplished in the Cause of Global Independence  INCARNATION OF LOFTY LOYALTY Juche Idea and Kim Jong Il  SHATTERED MYTH AND NEW MYTH  Echo of Victory  KIMILSUNGISM-KIMJONGILISM-AN INTRODUCTION Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism guiding idea for the world revolution   Kim Jong ll's Patriotism Eternal General Secretary of the WPK  JUCHE AND UK KFA PUBLICATIONS People's Korea smashes counter-revolution-special article by JISGE and ASSPUK chairman  NATIONAL AND SOCIAL LIBERATION IN THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION PEOPLES KOREA, AN EXAMPLE OF INDEPENDENCE AND SELF RELIANCE -speech of the secretary general of the JISGE KIM JONG UN IRON-WILLED BRILLIANT COMMANDER AND GREAT SUCCESSOR THE SONGUN REVOLTIONARY CAUSE-special article  22nd Anniversary of the Appointment of the great leader comrade Kim Jong Il as supreme commander of the KPA-paper presented to ASSPUK and JISGE Meeting 7th of December   Speech about the life of anti-Japanese war heroine Kim Jong Suk , made at meeting of the Juche Idea Study Group of England  KIM JONG UN IRON-WILLED BRILLIANT COMMANDER AND GREAT SUCCESSOR THE SONGUN REVOLTIONARY CAUSE-special article 
SOUTH KOREAN STUDENTS DECLARATION VISIT TO THE LAND OF SONGUN STERN PUNISHMENT TO TRAITOROUS REGIME MASS MOVEMENT FOR NATIONAL REUNIFICATION SOUTH KOREAN PEOPLE'S STRUGGLE  AGAINST ANTI REUNIFICATION MOVES SOUTH KOREA REPUBLIC OF SUICIDE IDEAL SOCIETY V DARK SOCIETY THE EC121 INCIDENT APPEAL OF AFRICAN JUCHE IDEA STUDY GROUPS ANNIVERSARY OF CAPTURE OF USS PUEBLO  SATELLITE LAUNCH PRIDE OF NATION.GAP BETWEEN RICH AND POOR IN SOUTH KOREA CRIMINAL ACTS AGAINST PEACE AND REUNIFICATION Reckless War Drills for Invading the North DAILY INTENSIFYING GRAVE MILITARY CONFRONTATION With unshakable Conviction of Reunification MILITAY PROVOCATION RUNNING COUNTER TO PEACE REVIEW OF THE JUCHE IDEA STUDY GROUP WORK OVER THE PAST 10 YEARS Report of Juche Idea Study of England meeting held January 30th SOUTH KOREAN PEOPLES STRUGGLE AGAINST THE US AND WAR ADSURD CONFAB FOR A WAR AGAINST THE NORTH DEATH TO THE BELLIGERENTS STATEMENT OF KPA GENERAL STAFF ON FOAL EAGLE  KCNA Snubs Call for DPRK's Dismantlement of Nukes STRUGGLE FOR PEACE IN SOUTH KOREA DUE PUNISHMENT ANTI GOVERNMENT AND ANTI WAR STRUGGLE STRUGGLE FOR PEACE DANGEROUS MILITARY MOVES LET US SMASH THE DISGRACEFUL MOVES TO DISTORT HISTORY FATAL BLOW TO THE AGGRESSORS ! STOP SUPPRESSION OF PRO REUNIFICATION FIGURE BRILLIANT LIFE OF WOMAN GENERAL OF MT PAEKTU GLORY TO THE WORKERS PARTY OF KOREA-65TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE WPK Opposing Confrontation Moves against the North SOUTH KOREA AILING WITH SOCIAL EVILS    LONG LIVE VICTOROUS ERA OF JUNE 15 INDEPENDENT REUNIFICATION OF KOREA Ever Intensifying Candlelight Struggle Continues to Win Final Victory BRILLIANT LIFE OF A MOTHER WORLD JUCHE CONFERENCE KOREAN PEOPLE DYNAMICALLY ADVANCING UNDER THE BANNER OF THE DIU REPORT OF JISGE-ASSPUK MEETING WITH SOCIAL SCIENTISTS TO MARK 85TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE DOWN WITH IMPERIALISM UNION WARNING TO RUIN OF CAPITALISM With the Might of Single-minded Unity Peerless Woman General UNCHANGED AMBITION TO INVADE THE NORTH Anti-US ,Anti War Struggle to defend peace DO THE PEOPLE LIKE IT ? A Power Station Named after Youth Song Footsteps The First Field Guidance ROAD OF KOREA Pyongyang Declaration of World Congress on Juche Idea FLAMES OF POCHONBO Kim Jong Il’s Achievements in Party Building AFRICA SHOULD FOLLOW JUCHE IDEA-HEAD OF THE CONGO COMMUNIST PARTY Juche Korea in September 2012 - A report of a visit  A COUNTRY WITH MANY HEROES WORLD ADMIRATION FOR GREAT MAN “Kim Jong Un Fever” Ever Growing GREAT CAREER Miracle Produced by Human Love  The Secret of Championship FATHER OF THE NATION ALIVE IN THE HEARTS OF FELLOW COUNTRYMEN IN SOUTH KOREA PRAISE FOR GREAT WOMAN INTERNATIONAL KIM JONG IL PRIZE INSTITUTED DPRK’s Socialist Constitution Kim Jong Un, TIME’s 2012 Person of the Year Leader Who Loves the Future The US Must Draw a Lesson from the Pueblo Incident  Korea Does What It is Determined to Do Kim Jong Un’s Personality and His Smile  Kim Jong Il’s Exploits Performed for the Cause of Socialism On the Road for People FEBRUARY BURNING WITH YEARNING THUNDER FROM KOREA  DPRK Will Show Its Will for Counteraction with Military Action: KPA Supreme Command DPRK NDC Issues Statement Refuting UNSC Resolution Int'l Kim Jong Il Prize Awarded to Equatorial Guinean President DPRK 65 YEARS  National Flag of DPRK ETERNAL IMAGE Invincible Steel-like WPK Great WPK Shining With August Names of Peerless Great Men ETERNAL SUN OF THE NATION Let Us Dynamically Wage Movement for Independent  Reunification Upholding the June 15 Banner Historical Landmark Shining Forever in the Nation's History Hysterical War Provocation Seventy-nine Years under the Banner of Great National Unity Milestone for Independent Reunification, Peace and Prosperity  Kim Jong Un Inspects Completed Sci-Tech Complex Pro-Japanese Acts of Treachery President Kim Il Sung’s Reminiscence “With the Century” KIM JONG SUK A  PARAGON OF DEFENDING LEADER Gun Report Echoing from the Beginning of Year Historical Act, the March First Popular Uprising Decision on Opening WPK Seventh Congress Issued Imperishable exploits for Korea’s reunification Risky Military Provocation Implementation of agreements common to the nation Obstinate racket against north Korea  Creation of self-reliance and self-development  Victorious conclusion of the 70-day campaign Milestone for Korea’s Reunification Immortal Exploits of Party Building A Prerequisite to Korea’s Reunification Korean Peninsula on the eve of war General Kim Jong Un of Undying Fame Immortal Program for National Reunification Inflicting calamity of bacteriological warfare upon the nation Only Death Awaits Provokers    Immortal Banner of Independent Reunification Artificial Racket   Kim Jong Suk, the anti-Japanese heroine Chairman Kim Jong Il signs the inter-Korean joint declaration with Kim Dae-jung Seeing the Exciting Year Out Mounting action against THAAD deployment Mounting action against THAAD deployment  Historic May Torchlight of Pochonbo Immortal Program for Reunification Great Mother of Korea
ANTI REUNIFICATION THEORY OF CONFRONTATIONAL MANIAC NOBLE LIFE OF PRO REUNIFICATION PATRIOTIC FIGHTER REUNIFICATION MOVEMENT ADVANCES DYNAMICALLY CALL OF GWANGJU DUE PUNISHMENT INFURIATED MINDSET SWEEPING TREND OF JUNE 15 A bitter grudge Cesspool of Crime , US Military Bases in south Korea MOUNTED WILL AND SHOUT FOR REUNIFICATION OCTOBER 4TH  DECLARATION BANNER COMMON TO THE NATION UNABATED RESISTANCE FLAMES Cheongwadae, Foothold of Irregularities and Corruption Crazy Sycophantic Betrayal Ever-growing Struggle against FTA Anti-Reunification Evil Law should be Abolished AN AWKWARD TRICK On the Occasion of Demise of Great Leader Kim Jong Il, South Koreans Mourn over Demise of Kim Jong Il STINKING "GRAND NATIONAL PARTY" STRUGGLE FOR FAIR BROADCASTING (IN S KOREA) Stop War Drills to Invade the North! Struggle to Bring Down Fascist Regime  Brief introduction of the struggle of the Anti-imperialist National Democratic Front ( AINDF)  43rd anniversary of the AINDF -ASSPUK,JISGE and UK KFA STATEMENT OF AINDF VICE-CHAIRMAN-JANUARY 3RD 2013 On the Occasion of the 44th Anniversary of the AINDF Salute to the 45th Anniversary of the formation of the Anti-Imperialist National Democratic Front of south Korea-ASSPUK, JISGE and UK KFA  Fascist outrage against democracy Eternal Mother Meaning of leaflet scattering actions Disgraceful manner of a pawn for the US   S. Korean Puppet Forces Urged to Stop Retrogressive Revision of Pension System for Government Employees Action for the right to live  Astounding Scandal  South Korea, Kingdom of Crime  Intensive anti-“government” action  Action for Genuine Life  Hot-blooded Outcry Ridiculous utterance of “human rights” The Park regime in a predicament  Against Labour policy Illegitimate Landing Against Revision of History Textbooks  Overt ambition of preemptive strike on north Korea  Root the Cause of War Not let his death be in vain   Revision of History Textbooks helping Ruling Crisis South Korea with signs of ruin Unfinished Action Park Geun-hye, Step Down! Draconian Fascist Law Data about the Repression to the Democratic and Pro-Reunification Activists in south Korea  POWER OF THE DPRK Black-hearted Thought Ever-more undisguised war moves against the DPRK Standpoint of national independence is  a fundamental way for Korea’s reunification “Policy of Unification” is "Unification of System" Actions against Retrogressive Revision of Labor Law Gruesome Pro-US Submission  Worst People’s Life   Immature move of “human rights” against the DPRK Stop the planned deployment of THAAD BRUTAL VIOLENCE Rejected Draconian Labor Law Punish the Park Geun-hye regime! Three years riddled with all kinds of crimes  (1) Unfortunate plight of south Korean women Insolvent Business Groups Deserted Women SECOND WAR GAMES TO OCCUPY NORTH KOREA Three years riddled with all kinds of crimes  Three years riddled with all kinds of crimes  (3) Resume GIP Unforgettable Sewol Disaster Echo of April 19 People’s stern punishment Establishing fundamental principles of reunification    Give up war rehearsals against north Korea! Strangler of Democracy Open up a fresh era for the popular masses! US, the chief criminal of Gwangju massacre Unending June Popular Resistance National independence, lifeline of Korea’s reunification Struggle to achieve genuine life Unforgotten Soul of Schoolgirls Strong Current of Support for Reunification Sweeping Actions against the US and War   Calling for Probe into Truth behind Ferry Sewol Disaster Degrading SOFA Struggle is the only way out for workers No Deployment of THAAD! Exasperation into Revolt Military provocation for escalating tension Hotbed of Corruption Workers’ drive against retrogressive labor reform Expanding campaign against deployment of THAAD Despicable Political Terrorism Dog president  South Korea, a veritable hell Address of “confrontation” not “congratulation” Stop war games against north Korea! Spreading actions against THAAD deployment Inveterate Rancor No THAAD is available Ridiculous Disturbance Fatuous Attempt Puerile Racket Unbroken drive against THAAD deployment Struggle is the only option  Push out murderous Park Geun-hye regime! Ongoing Resistance Baek’s Death Protests Cheongwadae, a haunt of corruption  Uninterruped Drive Risky Maritime Rehearsal Ongoing October Resistance for Democracy Spreading General Strike Cancel the warrant of postmortem! “Step Down, Park Geun-hye! Consecutive publication of declarations on the current situation Nationwide campaign for Park’s resignation Enraged Public Sentiment  An ultimatum from people He is not solitary Ebullitions of Anger Traitorous agreement on protecting military intelligence Give up, Park Geun-hye! Inheriting Martyr’s Spirit Park Geun-hye, a schizophrenic Fourth all-people candlelit action   The 5th all-people candlelight rally  NSL, Draconian Fascist Law The 6th all-people candlelight rally Ridiculous Insanity  The seventh round of all-people candlelight rally The eighth round of all-people candlelight rally Improvement of North-south Relations  Is Starting Point for Peace and Reunification The tenth round of all-people candlelight rally National Unity Is Driving Force for Reunification Movement   In pursuit of Washington’s strategy plan for presidential election The twelfth round of all-people candlelight rally Aggressive Military Alliance The fourteenth round of all-people candlelight rally Belligerent Military Nexus   The sixteenth round of all-people candlelight rally Desperate Wriggle STOP WAR EXERCISE AGAINST NORTH KOREA Against Introduction of THAAD Incessant Resistance  Carry on Candlelight Action! Handcuffed Park Geun-hye  Ever-growing Drive  Indiscreet Act For democracy in south Korea Unremitting Struggle Hold higher candlelight! Mounting action against THAAD deployment Mounting action against THAAD deployment Build a society for workers!   Unsettled Sexual Slavery for the Imperial Japanese Army   Withdraw deployed THAAD equipment! A Miserable End   Against fascist despotic rule Inheriting the spirit of the May resistance Disgusting Practices Extreme End of Impudence For democratization of south Korean society Crusade for elimination of accumulated evils  Great Lifetime of Peerless Patriot
LOOKING UP TO THE SUN OF HUMANKIND THE GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM IL SUNG RED SUN OF THE WORLD REVOLUTION AND LEADER AND TEACHER OF THE INTERNATIONAL PROLETARIAT UNIQUE COMMANDING ART-VICTORY IN FATHERLAND LIBERATION WAR AUGUST 15 LIBERATION AND PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG ALIVE FOREVER SOME QUOTATIONS OF LEADER KIM JONG IL ON THE GREATNESS OF THE RESPECTED LEADER PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG SONGS PRAISING THE SUN LEADER KIM JONG IL'S TEACHINGS ON THE GREATNESS OF PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG ETERNAL SUN OF MANKIND THE PEOPLE'S SUN  PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG,FATHER OF SOCIALIST KOREA IS THE PEOPLE'S LEADER MANGYONDAE PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG'S IMMORTAL FEATS OF LIBERATING KOREA MAO ZEDONG SAID COMRADE KIM IL SUNG SHOULD LEAD THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST MOVEMENT Great Sun of Independent Era AMONG THE PEOPLE Always Believing in the Working Class  From farmhand to master of the country The 100th anniversary of the birth of the great leader president Kim Il Sung by ASSPUK and JISGE  The greatest of great leaders - Article by JISGE KIM IL SUNG AND THE BANNER OF INDEPENDENCE AUGUST NAME OF KIM IL SUNG THE SUN IS ALWAYS WITH US -PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG -ROMESH CHANDRA GENERAL KIM IL SUNG PEERLESS PATRIOT SUN IS  EVERLASTING ETERNAL PRESIDENT OF THE DPRK THE EVER-VICTORIOUS IRON-WILLED BRILLIANT COMMANDER Eternal Sun of Juche Whole Life Devoted to National Reunification Reunification Will Enshrined in Historic Autography   Imperishable exploits performed for Korea’s reunification Putting an end to national division   Imperishable exploits for Korea’s reunification  A GREAT CHRONICLE Benefactor of Korea’s liberation  Great Man’s Life Tradition of Victory Saviour of National Restoration  Great Achievements for Victory Benefactor of National Resurrection 
SONGUN POLITICS OF MARSHAL KIM JONG IL IS THE BANNER FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE WORLD ARTICLES BY KIM YU JON ON SONGUN SONGUN POLITICS OF NORTH KOREA AND ANTI IMPERIALIST CLASS STAND FIRST TRACE OF SONGUN LEADERSHIP SACRED FOOTPRINTS OF SONGUN REVOLUTIONARY LEADERSHIP PROUD HISTORY OF THE DPRK DIGNIFIED WITH SONGUN POLITICS BASED ON THE ARMY FIRST PRINCIPLE SPEECHES OF KPA DIFFERENT CIRCLES IN SOUTH KOREA PRAISE SONGUN POLITICS SONGUN POLITICS BANNER OF REUNIFICATION SONGUN TREASURED SWORD FOR NATIONAL PROSPERITY SONGUN POLITICS, A REVOLUTIONARY, ANTI-IMPERIALIST FORM OF POLITICS SUITED TO THE 21ST CENTURY GREAT MARCH OF SONGUN 50 YEARS OF SONGUN REVOLUTIONARY LEADERSHIP -JISGE AND ASSPUK ARTICLE SONGUN POLITICS TREASURED SWORD FOR DEFENDING PEACE INVINCIBLE KOREAN PEOPLE'S ARMY SPECIAL ARTICLE ON THE KPA AND SONGUN HONOURING THE 79TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE KPA'S FOUNDATION GREAT VICTORY IN THE WAR 51 Years of Songun-based Revolutionary Leadership Songun and Unity-article by ASSPUK and JISGE on occasion of 51st anniversary of Songun revolutionary leadership LONG LIVE SONGUN ! 51 YEARS OF SONGUN POLITICS IN THE DPRK! (article by JISGE and ASSPUK member) DEFENDING WORLD PEACE Songun politics THE INVINCIBLE KOREAN PEOPLE'S ARMY,REVOLUTIONARY ARMED FORCE OFJUCHE SONGUN POLITICS AND THE KOREAN PENINSULA VISIT TO THE KPA MILITARY EQUIPMENT EXHIBITION THE WORLD WILL CLEARLY SEE IT  SPEECHES OF THE KOREAN PEOPLES ARMY Marshal KIM JONG UN's visit to West Sea frontline outposts  Some extracts concerning the foundation and struggles of the Korean  People’s Revolutionary Army from great President Kim Il Sung’ s  Reminiscences “With the Century”  IMMORTAL EXPLOITS OF WAR VICTORY Leader Kim Jong Il and Songun Politics  Songun Day of Korea COUNTRY DIGNIFIED WITH SONGUN  On Road of Leadership of Songun Revolution  Dear Home of Soldiers Strength of Songun Trace in Panmunjom Single-hearted United Invincible Revolutionary Army DPRK'S REPLY
Let Us Carry Out the Great Leader Comrade Kim Il Sung's Instructions for National Reunification (August 4, 1997)KIM JONG IL THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF KOREA IS A JUCHE- ORIENTATED SOCIALIST STATE WITH INVINCIBLE MIGHT Abstracts from Great Leader Kim Il Sung's Reminiscences "With the Century" THE WORKERS PARTY OF KOREA IS THE PARTY OF  THE GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM IL SUNG ON ABOLISHING THE TAX SYSTEM SOCIALISM IS A SCIENCE-KIM JONG IL RESPECTING THE FORERUNNERS OF THE REVOLUTION IS THE NOBLE MORAL OBLIGATION OF REVOLUTIONARIES LET US FIRMLY GUARANTEE THE FULFILMENT OF THE REVOLUTIONARY CAUSE OF JUCHE BY FORCE OF ARMS Great President Kim Il Sung's Instructions to Accomplish the Socialist Cause Upholding Comrade Kim Jong Il -(Exerpts from President Kim Il Sung's work) FOR A FREE AND PEACEFUL NEW WORLD KIM IL SUNG-ON THREE PRINCIPLES OF NATIONAL REUNIFICATION ON OUR PEOPLE'S STRUGGLE FOR SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION AND NATIONAL REUNIFICATION' KIM IL SUNG LETS US SHATTER IMPERIALIST MOVES TOWARDS AGGRESSION AND WAR AND SAFEGUARD PEACE AND INDEPENDENCE LET US INTENSIFY ANTI IMPERIALIST ANTI US STRUGGLE-KIM IL SUNG THE JUCHE PHILOSOPHY IS AN ORIGINAL REVOLUTIONARY PHILOSOPHY LET US REALIZE THE COUNTRY’S REUNIFICATION INDEPENDENTLY THROUGH  THE UNITED EFFORT OF THE ENTIRE NATION-KIM IL SUNG LET US ACCOMPLISH THE CAUSE OF SOCIALISM-KIM IL SUNG OUR PEOPLE’S ARMY IS AN ARMY OF THE WORKING CLASS-KIM IL SUNG ON THE QUESTIONS OF THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION FROM CAPITALISM TO SOCIALISM AND THE DICTATORSHIP  OF THE PROLETARIAT LET US STEP UP SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION UNDER THE BANNER OF THE JUCHE IDEA SOCIALISM IN THE LIFE OF OUR PEOPLE ON ORGANISING AND WAGING ARMED STRUGGLE AGAINST JAPANESE IMPERIALISM FOR THE ACCOMPLISHMENT OF THE SOCIALIST CAUSE THE SONGUN-BASED REVOLUTIONARY LINE IS A GREAT REVOLUTIONARY LINE OF OUR ERA AND AN EVER-VICTORIOUS BANNER OF OUR REVOLUTION LET THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH OPEN THE WAY TO PEACE-KIM IL SUNG ABUSES OF SOCIALISM ARE INTOLERABLE KIM IL SUNG With the Century Part I THE ANTI-JAPANESE REVOLUTION   10-POINT PROGRAMME OF THE GREAT UNITY OF THE WHOLE NATION FOR THE REUNIFICATION OF THE COUNTRY LET US REUNIFY THE COUNTRY INDEPENDENTLY AND PEACEFULLY THROUGH THE GREAT UNITY OF THE ENTIRE NATION LET US BRING THE ADVANTAGES OF SOCIALISM INTO FULL PLAY IN OUR COUNTRY-PART 3 -REUNIFICATION LET US FIGHT ON STAUNCHLY FOR THE LIBERATION OF THE FATHERLAND -speech to people of Pochonbo 4th June 1937 by KIM IL SUNG    GIVING PRIORITY TO IDEOLOGICAL WORK IS ESSENTIAL FOR ACCOMPLISHING SOCIALISM LET US PREVENT A NATIONAL PARTITION AND REUNIFY THE COUNTRY THE PATH OF THE KOREAN REVOLUTION-KIM IL SUNG  LET US ACHIEVE GREAT UNITY OF OUR NATION FUNDAMENTALS OF REVOLUTIONARY PARTY BUILDING-KIM JONG IL THE WORKERS' PARTY OF KOREA IS A JUCHE-TYPE REVOLUTIONARY PARTY WHICH INHERITED THE GLORIOUS TRADITION OF THE DIU SOCIALISM IS THE LIFE OF OUR PEOPLE-KIM JONG IL ON THE JUCHE IDEA-KIM JONG IL THE TEN-POINT PROGRAMME OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR  THE RESTORATION OF THE FATHERLAND Let Us Brilliantly Accomplish the Revolutionary Cause of Juche, Holding the Great Comrade Kim Jong Il in High Esteem as the Eternal General Secretary of Our Party  Let us march forward dynamically toward final victory, holding higher the banner of Songun!. On Bringing About a Revolutionary Turn in Land Administration in Line with the Requirements of the Building of a Thriving Socialist Country  KIM JONG UN LET US BRING THE ADVANTAGES OF SOCIALISM IN OUR COUNTRY INTO FULL PLAY-KIM IL SUNG ON PRESERVING THE JUCHE CHARACTER AND NATIONAL CHARACTER OF THE REVOLUTION AND CONSTRUCTION-KIM JONG IL The Great Kim Il Sung Is the Eternal Leader of Our Party and Our People  Treatise Published to Mark the Centenary of the Birth of President Kim Il Sung  April 20, Juche 101 (2012)      ON THE KOREAN PEOPLE'S STRUGGLE TO APPLY THE JUCHE IDEA LET US REALIZE THE COUNTRY’S REUNIFICATION INDEPENDENTLY  THROUGH THE UNITED EFFORT OF THE WHOLE NATION Let Us Step up the Building of a Thriving Country by Applying Kim Jong Il's Patriotism Only Victory and Glory Will Be in Store for Us Who are Advancing under the Unfurled Flag Bearing the Immortal Beaming Images of the Great Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il 3. LET US REUNIFY THE COUNTRY INDEPENDENTLY AND PEACEFULLY The Sons and Daughters of Revolutionary Martyrs Should Become the Reliable Backbone of the Songun Revolution Who Would Stoutly Carry Forward the Lineage of Mangyongdae, the Lineage of Paektu-KIM JONG UN THE DPRK REPRESENTS GENUINE PEOPLE’S  POWER AND IS A BANNER  OF THE UNITY  AND SOLIDARITY OF THE MASSES THE TASKS OF KOREAN COMMUNISTS LET US EMBODY THE REVOLUTIONARY SPIRIT OF INDEPENDENCE, SELF-SUSTENANCE AND SELF-DEFENCE MORE THOROUGHLY IN ALL BRANCHES OF STATE ACTIVITY-KIM IL SUNG LET US FURTHER STRENGTHEN THE SOCIALIST SYSTEM OF OUR COUNTRY-KIM IL SUNG ON THE QUESTION OF THE NATIONAL UNITED FRONT-KIM IL SUNG NEW YEAR ADDRESS JUCHE 102(2013) KIM JONG UN Speech Delivered at a Banquet in Celebration of Successful Launch of Kwangmyongsong 3-2 Address Delivered at the Fourth Conference of Cell Secretaries of the WPK -KIM JONG UN THE INAUGURAL DECLARATION OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE RESTORATION OF THE FATHERLAND KIM IL SUNG  With the Century  4  CHAPTER 12  To Hasten the Liberation of the Country OUR SOCIALISM CENTRED ON THE POPULAR MASSES SHALL NOT PERISH LET US ALL LIVE AND STRUGGLE LIKE HEROES -KIM JONG IL Let Us Usher In a Fresh Heyday on All the Fronts of Socialist Construction by Creating the Speed on Masik Pass -KIM JONG UN GO ALL OUT FOR VICTORY IN THE WAR The Triumphal Return     From Volume 8 of President Kim Il Sung’s  Reminiscences “With the Century Message of Congratulations to the Participants in the Youth Day Celebration  Conference  and Other Young People across the Country-KIM JONG UN "Let Us Add Eternal Brilliance to Comrade Kim Jong Il's Great Idea and Achievements of the Songun Revolution"  President Kim Il Sung’s Reminiscences “With the Century” 3. The Choice between the Soviet and the People’s Revolutionary Government (From Chaper 7 of Volume 3 ) Let Us Usher In a Great Golden Age of Construction by Thoroughly Applying the Party’s Juche-Oriented Idea of Architecture -KIM JONG UN Supreme Leader Kim Jong Un's New Year Address  Let Us Bring About Innovations in Agricultural Production under the Unfurled Banner of the Socialist Rural Theses" -KIM JONG UN "Let Us Hasten the Final Victory through a Revolutionary Ideological Offensive!"  PREVENTING WAR AND PRESERVING PEACE ARE THE BURNING TASKS OF MANKIND” "Young People, Be Vanguard Fighters Unfailingly Faithful to the Party's Revolutionary Cause of Songun" KIM JONG UN  National Heritage Conservation Is a Patriotic Undertaking for Adding Brilliance to the History and Traditions of Our Nation Let the Entire Party, the Whole Army and All the People Conduct a Vigorous Forest Restoration Campaign to Cover the Mountains of the Country with Green Woods-KIM JONG UN LET US HOLD THE GREAT  LEADER IN HIGH  ESTEEM FOREVER AND ACCOMPLISH  HIS CAUSE KIMILSUNGIA IS AN IMMORTAL FLOWER THAT HAS BLOOMED IN THE HEARTS OF MANKIND IN THE ERA OF INDEPENDENCE-KIM JONG IL  ON SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION IN THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF KOREA AND THE SOUTH KOREAN REVOLUTION Let Us Usher In a New Heyday of Building a Sports Power in the Revolutionary Spirit of Paektu" KIM JONG UN Kim Jong Un Makes Congratulatory Speech at 4th National Conference of War Veterans LET THE WOMEN IN THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH  HASTEN THE REUNIFICATION OF THE  COUNTRY THROUGH UNITED EFFORTS Speech of dear respected Marshal KIM JONG UN to 70th anniversary of WPK celebrations "The Cause of the Great Party of Comrades Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il Is Ever-Victorious" Let Us Bring About a Fundamental Turn in the Three-Revolution Red Flag Movement in Line with the Demands of the Developing Revolution KIM JONG UN NEW YEAR ADDRESS 2016  “The Historical Lesson in Building Socialism and the General Line of Our Party”. KIM JONG IL THE GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM IL SUNG WILL ALWAYS BE WITH OUR PEOPLE AN ODE TO COMRADE KIM JONG IL COMPOSED BY PRESIDENT  KIM IL SUNG ON THE OCCASION OF HIS 50TH BIRTHDAY CONCLUDING SPEECH AT THE MARCH 2013 PLENARY MEETING OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE WORKERS’ PARTY OF KOREA  March 31, Juche 102 (2013) ON THE NEED FOR THE KOREANS IN THE UNITED STATES  TO UNITE AND STEP UP THE MOVEMENT FOR NATIONAL REUNIFICATION Report to the March 2013 Plenary Meeting  of the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea KIM JONG UN On the Occasion of Founding the Anti-Japanese  People's Guerrilla Army KIM IL SUNG On Thoroughly Establishing the System of Party Leadership KIM JONG IL Kim Jong Un Makes Opening Address at Seventh Congress of WPK Report on Work of WPK Central Committee to  7th Congress KIM JONG UN Kim Jong Un Makes Closing Address at Seventh Congress of WPK BECOME PILLARS SUPPORTING  A PROSPEROUS FUTURE KOREA Report to the Seventh Congress of the Workers' Party of Korea   on the Work of the Central Committee(full text)KIM JONG UN ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS RAISED BY THE EDITOR-IN-CHIEF OF THE INDIAN WEEKLY BLITZ-KIM IL SUNG Let Us Usher in a Golden Age of the Kimilsungist-Kimjongilist Youth Movement Kim Jong Un's Letter to Teaching Staff and Students at Kim Il Sung University on 70th Anniversary of Its Founding KIM IL SUNG   ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS RAISED BY THE SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS INSTITUTE OF ITALY(Extract) The Duty of the Working Class of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il for the Times and the Tasks Facing Trade Union Organizations" KIM JONG UN  FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF GENUINE PEOPLE’S GOVERNMENT "Let Us Further Intensify the Work of the Women's Union under the Banner of Modelling the Whole Society on Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism"  ANSWERS TO THE QUESTIONS RAISED BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE NEPAL JOURNALIST ASSOCIATION  November 29. 1990 (Extract) THE WORKING CLASS SHOULD BECOME THE PIVOTAL FORCE IN THE STRUGGLE TO MODEL THE WHOLE SOCIETY ON THE JUCHE IDEA(extract) "On Improving the Role of the UAWK in Accomplishing the Juche-Oriented Socialist Cause"  UNITY OF THE SOCIALIST CAMP AND THE NEW STAGE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST MOVEMENT-KIM IL SUNG Kim Jong Un     New Year Address for 2017 ON STRENGTHENING THE PEOPLE’S ARMY AND CREATING A SOCIAL CLIMATE IN WHICH PROMINENCE IS GIVEN TO MILITARY AFFAIRS  ON THE OCCASION OF THE FOUNDING OF THE KOREAN PEOPLE’S ARMY ON HAVING A CORRECT UNDERSTANDING OF NATIONALISM LET US USHER IN A NEW GOLDEN AGE OF THE MOVEMENT OF KOREANS IN JAPAN TRUE TO THE INTENTION OF THE GREAT COMRADE KIM JONG IL-KIM JONG UN Kim Jong Un's Speech at the Eighth KCU Congress THE GRAND MASS GYMNASTICS AND ARTISTIC PERFORMANCE ARIRANG IS A WORLD-CLASS MASTERPIECE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE NEW CENTURY KIM JONG IL KIM JONG UN  NATIONAL HERITAGE CONSERVATION IS A PATRIOTIC UNDERTAKING FOR ADDING BRILLIANCE TO THE HISTORY AND TRADITIONS OF OUR NATION
PYONGYANG MATERNITY HOSPITAL LOVE AND SINCERITY THAT MAKES FLOWERS BLOOM ON STONES LEGEND OF HUMAN LOVE VISIT TO THE LAND OF JUCHE SOCIALIST KOREA SOCIALISM IS CREATING MIRACLES SOCIALIST POWER OF JUCHE People-centred Socialist Korea Victory of Socialism, Historical Inevitability SOCIALISM TOLLS THE BELL FOR CAPITALISM HISTORY PROVES IMMOVABLE TRUTH OF HISTORY AND CAPITALISM HAS NO FUTURE  SCENES OF A  HARMONOUS WHOLE IN THE MOURING PERIOD The Rungna People's Pleasure Park  A branch school Warm Love for People A Neologism Reflecting the Love for the People “Most Preferentially and Absolutely” NATIONAL STRENGTH OF THE DPRK Sweaters Supplied to Kindergarten Children across DPRK NEW BUILDINGS IN PYONGYANG THE JUCHE IDEA AND PEOPLE'S KOREA Motherly Party Serving People EMBLEM OF WPK Why there are no riots in the DPRK Paean to the Motherly Party Giving Supreme Bliss to Workers Kim Jong Il’s Exploits in Party Building  Invincibility of Socialist Korea  A Large Family  Children’s Dream House  The Invincibility of the Workers’ Party of Korea People Praise the Workers’ Party of Korea  There is No Human Rights Problem in Peoples Korea !- by Dermot Hudson  Report of Visit to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the celebrations of the 70th anniversary of the Workers' Party of Korea by Dermot Hudson Blessed Women Magnificent Youth Power Genuine People’s Fatherland Ever-Victorious Party Mother’s Bosom Lofty Picture of Love for People People Follow Their Leader Genuine People’s Paradise
Greatest Glory to Kim Jong Il, Brilliant Commander of Songun! SACRED FOOTPRINTS OF SONGUN LEADERSHIP AT PANMUMJOM WARM RESPECT TO LEADER KIM JONG IL BRILLIANT COMMANDER OF SONGUN DPRK IS HIGHLIGHTED BY BRILLIANT COMMANDER OF PAEKTU LONG LIVE KIM JONG IL BRILLIANT COMMANDER OF SONGUN CHAIRMAN OF THE NATIONAL DEFENCE COMMISSION OF THE DPRK KIM JONG IL AND SONGUN POLITICS Holding the Brilliant Commander of Mt. Paekdu in High Esteem   REPERCUSSIONS OF SOUTH KOREAN MEDIA ON KIM JONG IL LEADING THRIVING KOREAN NATION TO VICTORY BRILLIANT COMMANDER VOLITION FOR REUNIFICATION ASSOCIATED WITH PANMUNJOM BOUNDLESS GLORY OF KOREAN NATION FOR HAVING BRILLIANT COMMANDER OF SONGUN Holiday Common to Humankind NATIONS GLORY SHINES FOREVER REVERING THE SUN OF SONGUN ECHO OF PANMUMJOM BRILLIANT SONGUN COMMANDER OF BAEKDU ON THE ROAD FOR THE PEOPLE Auspicious Event of Humankind, Boundless Praise  A UNIQUE ELDER STATESMAN Peerless Brilliant Commander of Songun IN MEMORIAN GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM JONG IL Comrade Kim Jong Il’s Idea and Exploits Are Immortal Kim Jong Il Will Always Live in Hearts of Koreans and World Progressives SHORT BIOGRAPHY AND MATERIALS ABOUT THE LIFE OF THE GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM JONG IL PAEAN FOR THE SHINING STAR LEADER KIM JONG IL WILL LIVE FOREVER The invincible strength of the Korean People's Army is attributable to Kim Jong Il of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Supreme Commander Kim Jong Un and Guards Division  THE MESSAGE READ THROUGH KIM JONG UN'S VISIT TO PANMUNJOM Immortal Exploits in Songun-based Revolutionary Leadership My Sons and Daughters KIM JONG IL AND SNOW      Quotations from Dear Respected Marshal Kim Jong Un’s Works     - On the 20th Anniversary of Generalissimo Kim Jong Il’s Assumption of  Chairmanship of the DPRK National Defense Commission -    Undying Feats Shining in Party Building History HISTORICAL EVENT SPECIALLY MARKED IN HISTORY OF REUNIFICATION Glorious Annals of the WPK ETERNAL PARTY FLAG OF JUCHE Great National Fortune  Reunification will of brilliant commander  Long Journey for Songun Imperishable Trace in Panmunjom The Sun Is Eternal Illustrious Commander’s Footstep Songun, Treasured Sword for National Prosperity and Reunification Eternal General Secretary of the WPK Eternal Lodestar of Korea’s Reunification Great Exploits for Party Building Great Brilliant Commander Indelible Trace Left in Panmunjom
ASSPUK AND JISGE ON FATHERLAND LIBERATION WAR VICTORY ASSPUK AND JISGE SLAM UNSC STATEMENT ON 2006 N-TEST DPRK SUCCESSFULLY LAUNCHES ROCKET OPPOSE DOUBLE DEALING OF US IMPERIALISM ASSPUK AND JISGE ON SUCCESSFUL ROCKET LAUNCH OF DPRK STATEMENT ON 'LIVING OUR OWN WAY' STATEMENT BY ASSPUK AND JISGE ON THE DECEMBER ANNIVERSARIES OF THE DPRK IN DEFENCE OF JUCHE- BASED SOCIALISM THE GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM JONG ILS’ ON THE SPOT GUIDANCE ,SELF RELIANCE JUCHE AND SOCIAL ADVANCE IN WESTERN EUROPE -A TRIBUTE TO THE GREAT LEADER KIM IL SUNG ON HIS 96TH BIRTHDAY LONG LIVE THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF KOREA ! APPEAL OF AINDF NATIONAL REUNIFICATION COMMITTEE AGAINST FOAL EAGLE STATEMENT OF ASSPUK AND JISGE ON FOAL EAGLE/KEY RESOLVE 2010 DEFEND THE DPRK SOCIALIST SYSTEM BY ASSPUK AND JISGE DAY OF THE SUN APRIL 2010 STATEMENT ON APRIL POPULAR UPRISING STATEMENT OF ASSPUK AND JISGE ON ANNIVERSARY OF START OF WORK AT WPK CC ASSPUK-JISGE STATEMENT ON DAY OF ANTI US STRUGGLE/60TH ANNIVERSARY OF START OF FLW ASSPUK-JISGE-UK KFA STATEMENT ON THE 16TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE PASSING AWAY OF THE GREAT LEADER PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG ASSPUK and JISGE condemn south Korean puppet provocation SPECIAL ARTICLE-DPRK UNPARALLED UNITY AND STABLITY Down with Homefront anti DPRK propaganda-ASSPUK,JISGE and UK KFA FATHER OF THE KOREAN NATION BUILDER OF SOCIALIST KOREA-SPECIAL ARTICLE STRENGTH UNKNOWN SONGUN POLITICS AND THE FATHERLAND LIBERATION WAR -SPEECH TO JULY 23RD SEMINAR OF ASSPUK AND JISGE DPRK NOT AFFECTED BY THE SO CALLED 'WORLD FINANCIAL TURMOIL' DPRK STABLE, UNITED AND HARMONIOUS SOCIETY 51 YEARS OF SONGUN REVOLUTIONARY LEADERSHIP -ASSPUK AND JISGE STATEMENT Giving Full Play to Self-reliance in DPRK ASSPUK AND JISGE SALUTE 63 YEARS OF THE DPRK ! ASSPUK ,JISGE AND UK KFA STATEMENT ON SUCCESFUL WORKER-PEASANT RED GUARD PARADE ASSPUK-JISGE ON ANNIVERSARY OF WPK CONFERENCE ASSPUK and JISGE statement on the 94th anniversary of the birth of Madame Kim Jong Suk immortal communist revolutionary fighter ASSPUK , JISGE and UK KFA slam Western media Statement of the ASSPUK and Juche Idea Study Group of England on the 70th anniversary of the birth of the great leader comrade Kim Jong Il  RETURN TO THE LAND OF JUCHE-REPORT OF APRIL 2012 VISIT BY ASSPUK AND JISGE REPORT OF WORLD JUCHE CONGRESS ASSPUK , JISGE and UK KFA hail successful celebrations of the 66th anniversary of the Korean Childrens Union  ASSPUK and JISGE on the 48th anniversary of the start of Kim Jong Il's work at the Central Committee of the WPK  ON THE 18TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE PASSING AWAY OF THE GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM IL SUNG FAKE LEFT ATTACK THE DPRK OR HOW TROTSYITE CLOWN TARIQ ALI JOINS THE ANTI DPRK CIRCUS -TRANSLATED FROM ORGINAL ARTICLE  THE MEDIOCORITY OF TARIQ ALI IS THE MEDIOCORITY OF REVISIONISM We denounce the arrest of vice-chairman Ro-ASSPUK, JISGE and UK KFA  RESPECTED MARSHAL KIM JONG UN IS THE GREAT SUCCESSOR !  Long live the 52nd anniversary of The great Songun revolutionary leadership ASSPUK and JISGE  ASSPUK and JISGE joint statement in support of dear respected Marshal Kim Jong Un's August 25th speech and order to reunify the country  THE COUNTRY OF GOOD LUCK-SPECIAL ARTICLE Kim Jong Suk Immortal in the hearts of Juche idea followers ASSPUK and JISGE statement  ASSPUK, JISGE and UK KFA denounce farce of anti DPRK racket of "International PEN conference"  ASSPUK,JISGE AND UK KFA HAIL INTRODUCTION OF 12 YEAR COMPULSORY EDUCATION IN THE DPRK Support for statement of NDC Policy Dept Statement Only Death Awaits the Warmongers  DEAR RESPECTED MARSHAL KIM JONG UN IS THE LEADER OF THE ERA !-special article of ASSPUK and JISGE  The Cuban Missile Crisis, Songun and the DPRK  ASSPUK and JISGE support October 9th statement of the DPRK NDC  ASSPUK and JISGE on the 75th anniversary of the publication of the immortal classic work "The Tasks of Korean Communists" special article by ASSPUK and JISGE Yearning for the great leader comrade Kim Jong Il  KIM JONG IL GREAT DEFENDER OF INDEPENDENCE, SONGUN AND SOCIALISM-ASSPUK AND JISGE  ASSPUK , JISGE and UK KFA hail the New Year Address of Marshal KIM JONG UN   ASSPUK and JISGE STATEMENT MARKS THE BIRTHDAY OF DEAR RESPECTED MARSHAL KIM JONG UN  ASSPUK, JISGE and UK KFA support DPRK NDC statement on UNSC resolution  ASSPUK , JISGE and UK KFA denounce unjust and reactionary UNSC resolution  ASSPUK, JISGE and UK KFA support KPA Supreme Command Statement  DPRK's right to pre-emptive strikes  Support for KPA Supreme Command Statement"DPRK Will Show Its Will for Counteraction with Military Action "-ASSPUK,JISGE and UK KFA   On the 101th Anniversary of the Birth of the great leader President KIM IL SUNG  ASSPUK and JISGE salute the 81st anniversary of the foundation of the Korean People's Army    60TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE VICTORY IN THE FATHERLAND  LIBERATION WAR AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE-SPECIAL ARTICLE BY ASSPUK AND JISGE 60th anniversary of Victory in the Great Fatherland Liberation War-ASSPUK and JISGE Report of Visit to the DPRK for the War Victory Celebrations July 2013 ASSPUK, JISGE and UK KFA support statement of KPA General Staff  of 8th of Ocober  South Korea is not a democracy but a fascist puppet regime-oppose Park Geun Hye's visit ! statement of ASSPUK and JISGE  ASSPUK and Juche Idea Study Group of England remember the great leader comrade KIM JONG IL on the 2nd anniversary of his passing away ASSPUK, JISGE and UK KFA on defeat of counter-revolution in Juche Korea !   ASSPUK , JISGE and UK KFA on the 35th anniversary of "Let Us Live our own way ASSPUK, JISGE and UK KFA support Principled Stand on DPRK-U.S. Relations of DPRK NDC  ASSPUK and JISGE on execution of counter-revolutionary traitor Jang ASSPUK and JISGE on the 2nd anniversary of the assumption of the post of KPA Supreme Commander by the dear respected leader Marshal KIM JONG UN   The End of Aggressors Secret of Victory In Praise of WPK Great Mother of Revolution Unfurled Banner of DIU Tradition of DIU Brilliant Life for Reunification

Lecture at the “Ali Archam” Academy of Social Sciences of Indonesia
April 14, 1965

In the past our country was a backward colonial and semi-feudal society ruled by Japanese imperialism. Now, after its liberation from Japanese imperialist colonial rule, Korea has been divided into north and south because of the US imperialist occupation of south Korea.
Since liberation, north and south Korea have traversed diametrically different roads. North Korea, where the people took power into their hands, has vigorously proceeded along the road of national independence and progress, while south Korea under the domination of the US imperialists has again taken the road of colonial slavery and reaction. We have freed one half of the country, where we are building a new life. But the other half is still occupied by foreign imperialist aggressive forces, and the national-liberation revolution on a nationwide scale is still unfinished.
So, the Workers’ Party of Korea and the Korean people are today faced with two revolutionary tasks.
One is to build socialism in the northern half of our country and the other is to liberate south Korea from US imperialist colonial rule and achieve the country’s reunification. ‘
These two revolutionary tasks are closely interrelated and the strug­gle for their fulfilment is a struggle to expedite the ultimate victory of the Korean revolution as a whole. The aim of the Korean communists is to reunify their country, carry out the socialist revolution and socialist construction on a nationwide scale, and then build communism. Our Party, leading the entire Korean people, is striving to achieve this aim.
At present, however, different situations prevail in north and south Korea and their revolutions are in different stages of development. Therefore, at the present stage, the revolutionary tasks in north and south Korea must naturally differ, although the Korean revolution is an integral whole. In other words, the immediate revolutionary task in north Korea is to build socialism, whereas the immediate task in south Korea is to carry out the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal democratic revolution.
We have energetically promoted the socialist revolution and socialist construction in the northern half of the Republic, rejecting the erroneous view that north Korea should wait until south Korea is liberated and should not advance the revolution further because south Korea is under US imperialist occupation and our country is not reunified. Meanwhile, we are resolutely against any tendency to forget the revolution in south Korea and the task of reunifying the country while thinking exclusively of socialist construction in the north and being satisfied with its achieve­ments. We have always adhered to the principled stand with which to steadily consolidate north Korea politically, economically and militarily, regarding it as the base for the Korean revolution, and, at the same time, to endeavour to accomplish the south Korean revolution by helping the people in their revolutionary struggle, to bring about national reunifi­cation and to complete the revolution to the end throughout the country.



1. ON THE COURSE OF PROGRESS OF SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION IN THE NORTHERN HALF OF THE REPUBLIC


Since the first days of the seizure of power, our Party has worked hard to convert the northern half into a reliable base for the Korean revolution by accelerating the revolution and construction in the already liberated northern half to the fullest in accordance with the lawful requirements of social development and, at the same time, by building up powerful internal revolutionary forces there. All the revolutionary struggle and construction work we have carried out in the north have been geared to the implementation of this consistent policy of our Party.
In the northern half of our country the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal democratic revolution was successfully completed in a year or two following liberation. As a result, the north, based on the victory of the democratic revolution, entered the period of gradual transition to socialism. The socialist revolution and socialist construction in the north hit their stride in the postwar years as the subjective and objective conditions further improved.
Our Party and people started building a new society under the conditions which consisted of a backward economy and culture inherited from the old society, a country having been divided into north and south, and a frontal confrontation with the US imperialist forces of aggression. Moreover, we went through a grim three-year war against the armed invasion of the US imperialists and their lackeys. All this caused untold difficulties and complications to our revolutionary struggle and construc­tion work.
After the Korean armistice we were faced with the difficult task of rapidly restoring the ruined national economy and rebuilding the shattered lives of the people in a short period of time, while actively pushing ahead with the socialist revolution.
The war damage in our country was indescribably devastating. The US imperialists had dropped an average of 18 bombs on every square kilometre of north Korea, thus reducing our towns and villages to heaps of rubble. Industry, agriculture, railway transport and all other branches of the national economy were completely destroyed and so were educational, cultural and public health establishments. The people had lost practically all their homes, furniture and household goods, and were also very short of food and clothing.
In fact, our position was so difficult and we had to face so many complex problems at that time that we were quite at a loss what to tackle first.
Under the circumstances, the most important thing was clearly to determine the orientation and the order of priority in reconstruction, and to identify the main link correctly and concentrate our efforts on it.
Considering heavy industry the main link for the successful solution of all problems of postwar reconstruction, our Party put forward the line of ensuring the priority growth of heavy industry simultaneously with the development of light industry and agriculture. Also, in developing industry, heavy industry in particular, the Party ensured priority to the rehabilitation of those branches which were essential to our national economy and the people’s living standards at the time, and which could produce immediate economic results. In agriculture, stress was laid on the production of grain in order to solve the food problem, one of the most pressing problems in the postwar period, at the earliest possible date, while carrying out the socialist cooperativization of the individual peasant economy.
The Three-Year Plan for Postwar Rehabilitation and Development of the National Economy (1954-56) was drawn up precisely in accordance with this line and policy, and the whole Party and all the people set to work on its fulfilment.
The anti-Party elements lurking within the Party, and the revisionists and dogmatists at home and abroad, were very critical of the line of ensuring the priority growth of heavy industry simultaneously with the development of light industry and agriculture. They cast slurs on our Party line, alleging that “Too much stress is being put on the building of heavy industry while the people are leading a hard life,” “Machines will not give us food,” and the like. Their argument was that everything had to be applied to immediate consumption without their being in the least concerned about the future. It was, in the final analysis, aimed at preventing our country from building its own economic foundations.
Our Party resolutely rejected such argument and firmly adhered to the line it had adopted. In this, the Party intended to create, in a short period of time using every possible means, an economic basis which would enable us to stand on our own feet, while improving the lowered living standard of the people as soon as possible.
Needless to say, it was a very difficult task to solve the question of the people’s standard of living while at the same time laying the economic foundations, since everything was destroyed and everything was in short supply. But we could not deviate from the demands of the revolution because of these difficulties, nor could we sacrifice the vital interests of the country and the people for a moment’s rest.
The Party trusted our people who had been tempered in the flames of war and had rallied firmly around it, and considered that it was definitely possible to carry out the task if the strength of the masses of the people and all the resources of the country were enlisted to the full, and effective use was made of the aid from fraternal countries. Under the leadership of the Party our working people, surmounting manifold difficulties by tighten­ing their belts and waging a hard struggle, overfulfilled the postwar Three-Year Plan before the scheduled time.
As a result, the people’s living standard improved considerably, and industrial and agricultural production not only matched, but also far exceeded, the prewar levels. Big strides were also made in the socialist transformation of the old relations of production, particularly in the cooperativization of agriculture.
True, our success was only a start and our economic situation was still difficult in those days. But having finished the postwar rehabilitation work, we were able to live on the assets which we ourselves had created and advance socialist construction more energetically.
Having completed the Three-Year Plan, we embarked on the Five-Year Plan in 1957. This was a plan to complete the building of the basis of socialism in our country.
On the basis of the successes and experiences already gained in socialist transformation, our Party put forward the task of completing the cooperativization of agriculture and the socialist transformation of private trade and industry in the Five-Year Plan period.
The most important task of the Five-Year Plan in socialist construc­tion was to lay foundations for socialist industrialization and solve the problems of food, clothing and housing for the people on the whole. As a result of the successful fulfilment of the postwar Three-Year Plan, our country went over from the period of rehabilitating the national econ­omy to that of its technical reconstruction. Designating the Five-Year Plan as the first stage of technical reconstruction, the Party decided to lay the basis for socialist industrialization in this period and thus further consolidate the foundations of an independent national economy and prepare the material and technical conditions for equipping all branches of the national economy with modern technology in the future. At the same time, we directed enormous efforts towards grain production, the textile industry and housing construction in order to solve the problems of food, clothing and housing which are basic necessities for the people’s life.
At the outset of the Five-Year Plan, we were faced with new diffi­culties and trials.
As everyone knows, the period of 1956-57 was the time when modern revisionism raised its head on a wide scale in the international communist movement and the world imperialists and international reactionaries, taking advantage of it, unleashed an extensive “anti-communist” cam­paign. In our country at that time the US imperialists entrenched in south Korea and their lackeys kept pace with the international “anti-communist” campaign and stepped up their reactionary offensive against the northern half of the Republic as never before. The anti-Party revisionist elements within the Party also attacked it, taking advantage of the complex situation and backed by outside forces. The anti-Party elements and their supporters abroad—revisionists and great-power chauvinists—joined forces in opposition to our Party and engaged in conspiracies to overthrow the leadership of our Party and Government.
Over and above this, our economic construction was also beset with a multitude of difficulties. We were short of materials and funds to carry out the enormous Five-Year Plan, and the people’s life was also still hard at the time.
How to tide over the complex situation, and with what resources, was the most serious problem before us.
We had no alternative but to rely on our Party members and people. Trusting its members and the masses, our Party decided to ride out the difficulties and trials ahead by enlisting their support.
And so, while building up its ranks more firmly and uniting the entire people more closely around it and thereby dealing a decisive counterblow to the offensive of the enemies of all kinds both within and without, the Party directed its main effort to the economic construction of socialism. Under the prevailing situation, our Party intended to rouse the whole Party and the entire people to activity to consolidate the positions of our revolution as firmly as a rock and bring about a great upsurge in socialist construction and, in so doing, completely crush all the offensives of internal and external enemies and open up an even wider vista for the revolution and construction work in our country.
According to this line of the Party, the December 1956 Plenary Meeting of the Party Central Committee, known as a historic plenary meeting in our country, discussed and made decisions on the first year’s tasks of the Five-Year Plan and ways and means for their implementation. After the plenary meeting, the members of the Presidium of the Party Central Committee and all other cadres went out to factories and villages, where they gave the working people a full report on our difficult situation and roused them to a heroic struggle to overcome the difficulties and trials.
Our Party members and working people came out resolutely in support and defence of the Party Central Committee and, by mounting a titanic struggle in response to the Party’s appeal, brought about a great change on all fronts of socialist construction. Everywhere they tapped immense reserves and potentialities, performed feats of labour that had been unthought of in the past, and worked miracles. Industrial output rose 40-50 per cent a year, and in agriculture bumper harvests were reaped year after year. Our towns and villages changed their appearance by the day and the people’s life improved rapidly.
This being the situation, the enemy’s “anti-communist” offensive and the anti-Party elements’ attack went by the board altogether, and those who had been vilifying us were also silenced. Meanwhile, the prestige of our Party grew among the masses as never before, our internal unity was further strengthened and socialist construction in our country progressed at a tremendous rate. We turned, so to speak, a misfortune into a blessing through struggle.
This is how the great upsurge in socialist construction and the Chollima Movement started in our country.
By maintaining the momentum of socialist construction and the Chollima Movement, we fulfilled the vast Five-Year Plan far ahead of schedule. By 1958 agricultural cooperativization and the socialist trans­formation of private trade and industry were already completed almost simultaneously without impediment. As regards production, the Five-Year Plan was fulfilled in only two and a half years in terms of the total value of industrial output, and it was fulfilled or overfulfilled in four years in indices of products.
With the fulfilment of the Five-Year Plan, our country was converted into a socialist industrial-agricultural state with the firm foundation of an independent national economy. Socialist relations of production came to hold undivided sway in towns and the countryside, while the base of heavy industry, with the machine-building industry as its core, and the base of light industry were laid. Agriculture, too, was put on a firm foundation of production. The people’s living standards improved and all people were freed from any worry or care about food, clothing and housing. In this way, the historic task of laying the foundations of socialism was accomplished triumphantly in the northern half of our country.
The Fourth Congress of our Party summed up the results achieved in the fulfilment of the Five-Year Plan and put forward the Seven-Year Plan (1961-67), a magnificent programme of socialist construction. The Seven-Year Plan period, it may be said, marks the decisive stage in socialist construction in the northern half of our country.
The fundamental task of the Seven-Year Plan is to carry out the all-round technical and cultural revolutions on the basis of the triumphant socialist system, thereby laying the solid material and technical foun­dations of socialism and greatly improving the material and cultural life of the people.
In a country like ours, which had no industrial revolution and did not go through the normal capitalist stage of development in the past, the technical revolution becomes an especially important task in the period of socialist construction. In accordance with the urgent demands of social development, we have completed the socialist transformation of produc­tion relations prior to the technical reconstruction of the national economy, thereby opening up a broad avenue for developing the productive forces, particularly for carrying out the technical revolution. By building the basis of socialist industrialization during the Five-Year Plan, we also laid the material and technical foundations for the all-round technical reconstruction of the national economy. In this way it has become the central problem in the Seven-Year Plan to carry out socialist industrialization completely and provide all branches of the national economy with modern technology.
With the fulfilment of the Seven-Year Plan our country will become a socialist industrial state and will have established an independent national economy developed in a many-sided way. As for the people’s standard of living, the problems of food, clothing and housing will be solved more satisfactorily.
In the past four years, our working people have already achieved great successes in carrying out the Seven-Year Plan, and they are carrying on a sustained, vigorous struggle for its fulfilment.
Needless to say, it is by no means easy to fulfil our Seven-Year Plan, for this is a huge plan and, moreover, we are building the economy against the background of a complex domestic and foreign situation. Because we had to make great efforts to strengthen our defence capabilities still further in order to cope with the prevailing situation in the past two or three years, the economic development of our country, in particular, fell somewhat behind schedule.
Nevertheless, our people under the leadership of the Party will fulfil the Seven-Year Plan at all costs by working even harder.



2. ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SOCIALIST SYSTEM


To abolish or reorganize the old relations of production based on private ownership and ensure that the socialist relations of production hold undivided sway is the basic content of the socialist revolution. In our country the establishment of socialist relations of production was accomplished through a number of revolutionary reforms—expropriating the property of the imperialists and their stooges, cooperativizing individual peasant farming on the basis of abolishing the feudal relations of land ownership, and transforming private trade and industry along socialist lines.
In formerly backward, colonial agrarian countries like ours, where the peasants made up the absolute majority of the population, the transformation of the socio-economic relations in the countryside is of special importance in building a new society.
The most pressing revolutionary task that faced us immediately after liberation was to do away with the feudal relationships predominant in the countryside.
We freed the productive forces in agriculture from their feudal shackles and emancipated the peasants from exploitation and enslave­ment by the landlords by carrying out agrarian reform in a draconian manner—confiscating the landlords’ land without compensation and distributing it among the peasants at no cost. This was a revolutionary change of great significance not only in the speedy development of agriculture and the improvement of the peasants’ standard of living, but also in the strengthening of the worker-peasant alliance and the democratization of the country’s political, economic and cultural life as a whole.
The abolition of the feudal relationships, however, is only the first step in solving the rural question. As a result of agrarian reform, the small-commodity-producing economy of the individual peasants became pre­dominant in our countryside. As is generally known, so long as small peasant farming predominates, the productive forces are bound to run up against certain limits in their development, and exploitation and poverty cannot be stamped out completely. In order to free the productive forces in agriculture completely from the fetters of the old production relations and emancipate the peasants once and for all from exploitation and oppres­sion of every description, it is necessary to carry out socialist cooperativization in agriculture.
In our country, the cooperativization of agriculture became the most urgent requirement in the postwar period. Because of the war, agriculture was severely ravaged and there was a great shortage of manpower and draught animals. If, under such conditions, individual peasant farming had been left undisturbed, it would have been impossible to restore the agricultural productive forces quickly, to improve the peasants’ standard of living, or, what is more, to solve the problem of the impoverished peasants whose number had further increased during the war. Most of them were then at the end of their tether, finding it absolutely impossible to farm without joining forces in one way or another. Meanwhile, the socialist state economy, which occupies the leading position in our national economy, was exerting a great influence on individual peasant farming and, in particular, we were able to give material assistance to the peasants’ cooperative movement by relying on the fast-developing socialist industry. As for the balance of class forces in the rural areas, the influence of the rich farmers whose economic foundation had been destroyed in the war was very weak, and, in contrast, our working peasants, through a protracted revolutionary struggle and the severe war, were politically awakened and rallied ever more firmly around the Party.
Taking all this into account, our Party set agricultural cooperativi­zation as an immediate task right after the armistice and actively went ahead with the cooperative movement as the peasants’ enthusiasm increased.
The cooperativization of agriculture in our country was successfully completed in a short period of only four or five years after the war strictly in accordance with the principles of object lessons and of spontaneity and thanks to the powerful leadership and assistance given by the Party and the state.
We first began with the work of forming, on an experimental basis, a few cooperatives in each county with poor peasants and rural Party nuclei who supported cooperativization most actively, and of consolidating them. This was the experimental stage in our agricultural cooperative movement. It is of course necessary to study and assimilate the experiences of other countries in any revolutionary struggle or construction work, but the most important thing is, in any case, one’s own experience. Moreover, one cannot start from scratch such a serious and complex socio-economic reform as agricultural cooperativization on a large scale, by drawing only on the experience of others without accumulating a certain amount of experience of one’s own or merely out of a subjective desire.
During the experimental stage we were able to determine the proper forms, methods and tempo of cooperativization suitable to the actual conditions of our country, and to help our cadres to accumulate experience and gain confidence in leading the cooperative movement. By showing the advantages of cooperative farming to the peasants in practice on the strength of our own experience, we were able to induce them to join the cooperatives voluntarily on a large scale.
The leadership and assistance of the working-class party and state are an indispensable condition for the emergence, consolidation and develop­ment of the socialist system in the rural areas. We conducted tireless political work among the peasants to lead them along the road of socialist collectivization, and did everything in our power to consolidate the organized cooperatives politically and economically. Our Party’s en­ergetic leadership and the state’s powerful material assistance to the cooperative movement played a decisive part in overcoming all the difficulties of the postwar period and securing a sure victory for the system of socialist cooperative farming.
Foreign revisionists and great-power chauvinists and their followers—the anti-Party factionalists in our country—were also very critical of our Party’s policy on agricultural cooperativization. They alleged that agricultural cooperativization was impossible in a situation in which socialist industrialization had not yet been carried out and modern farm machinery were not available. They also alleged that the tempo of agricultural cooperativization was too fast. They did not know anything about the specific realities of our country and did not bother to understand them either.
It is obvious that, had we missed the best opportunity when all conditions were ripe for the cooperativization of agriculture, and had we not carried it out rapidly, but waited until we had developed industry enough to mass-produce modern farm machinery, we might have failed to restore agriculture quickly, and this, in the long run, would have retarded the development of industry itself and the national economy, as a whole, much more.
Our experience has shown that agricultural cooperativization is possible when conditions urgently demand a transformation of the old production relations and when enough revolutionary forces have been prepared to undertake it, even though modern farm machinery may be very nearly nonexistent, and that cooperative farming organized in this way is decidedly superior to individual farming.
The establishment of socialist production relations in the towns took a different course from that in the countryside.
In our country’s economy in the past, industry and other key branches were monopolized by Japanese imperialist capital, while the development of national capital was very much restricted. As a result, right after liberation, the nationalization of industries, along with agrarian reform, presented itself as an important task of the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal democratic revolution. We nationalized the indus­tries, transport facilities, communications and banks which had been owned by Japanese imperialists and traitors to the nation, and thereby brought the country’s basic means of production under the ownership of the entire people. This was a historic change that wiped out the economic footholds of foreign imperialism and created a socialist state economy for the first time in our country.
As a result of the nationalization of industries, the socialist state economy assumed the leading position in our national economy, while capitalist trade and industry which had been insignificant originally could only play a secondary role. Under these conditions, our Party followed the policy of drawing capitalist traders and industrialists into socialist construction and gradually reorganizing their economy, on the basis of the speedy expansion and development of the socialist state economy.
After the war, the socialist transformation of capitalist trade and industry became a more urgent requirement. Because of the war damage there was very little capitalist trade and industry left, and even that was mostly reduced to a fragmented economy with little to distinguish it from handicrafts and small trade. Right after the armistice, the entrepreneurs and traders of our country found themselves in a position where they could neither restore their economy nor improve their living without relying on the socialist economy and pooling their efforts and funds.
In the prevailing situation, our Party introduced the policy of transforming the economy of the capitalist traders and industrialists, together with that of handicraftsmen and small traders, along socialist lines through various types of cooperative economy. This conformed both to the demands of socialist construction and to the interests of the entrepreneurs and traders themselves. Almost all the entrepreneurs and traders, therefore, accepted our Party’s policy on cooperativization, and the socialist transformation of private trade and industry was completed in a short time after the war.
With the completion of the cooperativization of agriculture and the socialist transformation of private trade and industry, a socialist system free from exploitation and oppression was firmly established in the northern half of our country. This opened a broad avenue for the rapid development of the country’s productive forces and the radical improve­ment of the people’s material and cultural life. The triumph of the socialist system also created the socio-economic conditions for the political and moral unity of the entire people based on the worker-peasant alliance led by the working class.


3. ON THE ECONOMIC CONSTRUCTION OF SOCIALISM


Economic construction is a very important task for a Marxist-Leninist party which has assumed power.
Once in power, the Marxist-Leninist party assumes responsibility for the people’s living and is duty bound to systematically improve their material and cultural well-being. The question of the people’s living can be solved only when economic construction is carried out well. Economic construction also creates material conditions for strengthening the might of the country and for consolidating the victories already gained in the revolution and further expanding and developing them. Economic construction in the northern half of our country, in particular, has a decisive significance not only for providing a happy life for the people there but also for strengthening our revolutionary base, the guarantee of the country’s reunification, and for assisting the people of south Korea in their revolutionary struggle. From the early days of liberation, therefore, our Party has made every effort to consolidate the economic foundations of the country and steadily improve the people’s standard of living.
In our country which was formerly under the colonial yoke of imperialism, to create and develop a modern industry was the most important exercise in the economic construction of socialism.
During Japanese imperialist rule our country’s industry was in­significant. Because of the exclusive sway of Japanese imperialist capital the development of the national industry was restricted to the ultimate degree and even our traditional handicrafts were totally ruined. With the sole aim of plundering Korea of her resources and bleeding her people white, the Japanese imperialists built only a few industries producing raw materials and semi-finished goods in our country. The manufacturing industries were negligible, and the machine-building industry, in particular, was practically nonexistent. The technological equipment of industry was totally obsolete.
It was this colonial industry which we inherited from the old society, and even that was utterly destroyed by the war.
In these circumstances, a modern industry could not be built merely by rehabilitating and developing the industry which already existed. We had to put an end to the colonial imbalance of our industry and radically improve its technological equipment, while ensuring a high rate of growth in its output.
On the basis of the nationalization of the major industries which was carried out immediately after liberation, our Party forcefully promoted industrial construction and carried out this work on a large scale particularly in the postwar period. In this way we have achieved great success in the creation of a modern industry.
The annual rate of growth of industrial production in the ten postwar years from 1954 to 1963 averaged 34.8 per cent. Our country’s industrial output in 1964 was about 11 times that of the prewar year, 1949 and more than 13 times that of the pre-liberation year, 1944.
As a result of the rapid growth of industrial production, the proportion of industry in the total value of industrial and agricultural output jumped from 28 per cent in 1946 to 75 per cent in 1964.
Heavy industry constitutes the basis for the development of the national economy. Unless it is developed, light industry and agriculture cannot be developed, nor can all branches of the national economy be equipped with modern technology. Specifically, heavy industry is the material basis for the country’s political and economic independence, without which we can neither talk about an independent national economy nor strengthen our national defence capabilities.
Our Party’s line in regard to the building of heavy industry was to create our own base of heavy industry which would be equipped with new technology and would develop by relying mainly on domestic natural resources and sources of raw materials and would be capable of supplying the needs of our national economy for materials, raw materials, fuel, power, machinery and equipment mainly with locally-produced products.
This is explicitly a line of creating an independent modern heavy industry.
The most important thing in implementing this policy of our Party was to combine the rehabilitation, reconstruction and new building of heavy industrial plants in a rational way, and synchronize the develop­ment of heavy industry with that of light industry and agriculture.
The heavy industry we had operated with technologically obsolete equipment and was defective and severely damaged. But, for all that, we could not abandon it. Our Party has followed the policy of restoring the existing foundation of heavy industry and reconstructing and expanding it on the basis of modern technology so as to make the best use of it, and, at the same time, of building new industries and enterprises which had not previously existed in our country.
While steadfastly promoting the priority growth of heavy industry, the Party has also endeavoured to develop it, not just for the sake of having it, but in order that it can most effectively serve the development of light industry and agriculture and the improvement of the people’s standard of living.
In this way we were able to build a powerful heavy industry base with comparatively little investment in a historically short time and, on this basis, also develop light industry and agriculture rapidly.
Our heavy industry now possesses all the key subdivisions, is equipped with new technology and has its own reliable sources of raw material. In 1964 our country’s heavy industry produced 12,500 million kwh of electricity, 14,400,000 tons of coal, 1,340,000 tons of pig and granulated iron, 1,130,000 tons of steel, more than 750,000 tons of chemical fertilizer, 2,600,000 tons of cement, and large quantities of various types of means of production, machinery and equipment.
One of our biggest achievements in the building of heavy industry has been the creation of our own machine-building industry.
The revisionists, talking about “international division of labour”, opposed our Party’s line on the building of heavy industry and main­tained, among other things, that our country did not need to develop the machine-building industry but should produce only minerals and other raw materials. Of course, we could not follow this kind of advice.
Our Party had already started building machine factories under­ground during the war, and rapidly expanded the machine-building industry after the war.
Entering the period of the Five-Year Plan, we set about developing this industry extensively so as to produce, by ourselves as far as possible, not only small- and medium-size machinery, equipment and accessories but also heavy machinery and equipment required by our national economy.
This was a very difficult task for us, as we had no experience and lacked technology. It goes without saying that those who disapproved of the development of the machine-building industry in our country could not help us. When we produced tractors, motorcars and other modern machinery and equipment for the first time, we had to do everything ourselves, from designing to assembling. Our workers and technicians met with many a setback, but they gritted their teeth and set to until at last they succeeded in turning out these machines and equipment, and were able to mass-produce them. We also launched a massive let-each-machine-tool-make-more movement to make machine tools in all places where machine tools were already in existence, thereby rapidly extending the foundations of the machine-building industry and, at the same time, convincing our working people that they were capable of making any type of machines.
Our country’s machine-building industry was created by means of this hard-fought struggle. But in the process our working people accumulated invaluable experience, gained a stronger belief in their own strength and talents, and showed a still greater attachment for the machines and equipment they had made with their own hands under all sorts of difficulties.
And so, although our country did not have the machine-building industry in the past, we are now producing most of the machinery and equipment including generating, chemical and metallurgical equipment, motorcars, tractors, excavators and other heavy machines and equipment needed by our national economy. In 1964 the proportion of the machine-building industry in industrial output was 25.8 per cent and the rate of domestic supply in machinery and equipment reached 94.3 per cent.
Today our heavy industry with the machine-building industry as its core, forms the reliable material foundation to equip all branches of the national economy with modern technology and to guarantee the political and economic independence of the country.
Light industry was one of the most backward sectors in our country. We have made great efforts to build up our own base of light industry capable of meeting the needs of our people.
Our Party’s policy in the production of consumer goods for the people is to develop small-and medium-scale local industry alongside large-scale central industry.
We have built many large-scale central industry plants which constitute the backbone of light industry, and have constantly strengthened their technological equipment, thereby actively increasing the production of various consumer goods.
But in view of the economic situation of the country, we could not build many large-scale light industry factories at once. If we had relied on them alone, we would not have been able to eradicate the backwardness in light industry quickly nor would we have been able to meet the rapidly growing needs of the people in any way. A decisive measure was needed to bring about a change in the production of consumer goods for the people.
Our Party, therefore, decided to develop the production of consumer goods as an all-people movement, and put forward the policy of building more than one local industry factory in every city or county. The working people in all parts of the country rose as one to carry through the Party’s policy and built more than 1,000 in only a few months without spending a large amount of state funds, by mobilizing surplus local materials and manpower, with the result that many kinds of consumer goods were turned out in large quantities. Our country has now upwards of 2,000 local industry factories, the technological equipment of which has been improved considerably. Our local industry accounts for more than half the country’s output of consumer goods.
Our experience shows that in general it is rational in light industry, in view of its economic and technological peculiarities, to develop small- and medium-scale factories alongside the large ones. It also shows, particularly, that it is an effective way of increasing the production of consumer goods and rapidly developing industry as a whole in the backward countries to build many small-scale local factories which are technologically comparatively simple. The construction of local industry is also of great importance for the balanced development of all regions of the country, and especially for bringing industry closer to agriculture and for the gradual elimination of the distinctions between town and country.
We have built our own base for light industry, which consists of central and local industries, and so we now have the ability to ensure our people’s living with nationally produced consumer goods. Let us take only the textile industry, for example. The output of fabrics increased 195 times that before liberation, with 25metres of various fabrics being produced per head of the population. The food industry and the production of consumer goods have also progressed apace.
Our consumer goods are not yet of high quality and their variety is also not so wide as is required. But our working people are proud that all the goods they use are made by their own hands, and they are very happy to use them. In the near future we will solve the question of raising the quality of consumer goods on the whole to world standards and widening their variety even more.
The rural question occupies a very important place in socialist construction.
It is the problem of the socio-economic position of the peasantry as an ally of the working class, and the problem of the development of the productive forces in agriculture, one of the two major branches of the national economy. The completion of socialist agricultural cooperativization marks a historic landmark in the solution of this question. But it still does not mean the final solution of the rural question.
Following the establishment of the socialist system in rural areas, it becomes necessary, on the basis of a steady consolidation of this system, to develop the productive forces in agriculture to a high level, give the peasants a prosperous life, liquidate the backwardness of the countryside left over by the exploiter society, and gradually eliminate the distinctions between town and country.
In a socialist society, too, agriculture is weaker than industry in its material and technical foundations; the cultural level of the rural population is lower than that of the urban population, and the peasants are behind the workers in ideological consciousness. Because of this backwardness of the countryside in comparison with the towns, coopera­tive property remains the dominant pattern in agriculture, unlike in industry where the property of the whole people predominates. And so there is still a class distinction between the working class and the peasantry. The rural question will finally be solved only when the distinctions between town and country and the class distinction between the working class and the peasantry are eliminated.
For the successful solution of the rural question in a socialist society, it is necessary to carry out the technical, cultural and ideological revolutions thoroughly in the rural areas, strengthen the support for the countryside in every way, steadily improve the guidance and management of agriculture, and continuously bring cooperative property closer to the property of the whole people. Our rural work has been carried on in accordance with these principles since the cooperativization of agri­culture.
In the past our country’s agriculture was based on backward mediaeval techniques. And cooperativization was introduced with practi­cally no technical reconstruction of agriculture. Thus, the technical revolution in the countryside became the most urgent problem for the development of socialist cooperative agriculture.
As the cooperativization was nearing completion and industry developed, our Party immediately set about the rural technical revolution.
The Party defined irrigation, mechanization, electrification and the use of chemicals as the basic tasks of this revolution, and began with irrigation.
Since agriculture, unlike industry, depends largely on natural geo­graphical conditions, and climatic conditions in particular, irrigation constitutes the basic guarantee of high and stable harvests in farming. In the postwar period we carried out large-scale nature-remaking projects for irrigation in an all-people movement, investing large amounts of state funds. As a result, we have basically overcome the damage from drought and flood in agriculture, and have laid the solid foundation for production free from crop failure.
Great success has also been attained in mechanization, electrification and the use of chemicals. Our countryside now has 20,000 tractors (in terms of 15 hp units), which means one tractor for every 100 hectares of crop area and about 300 kilogrammes of chemical fertilizer are applied to each hectare. In the preliberation days our rural areas had no electricity, but now it is supplied to 95.5 per cent of all the rural ri and 81 per cent of all the farmhouses.
While promoting irrigation, mechanization, electrification and chemical application, we have exerted untiring efforts to introduce the achievements of agricultural science and advanced farming technology extensively and, in particular, to develop intensive methods of farming.
Thanks to all this, agricultural production has continued to develop fast in our country. Grain output has doubled in comparison with the pre-liberation period. Stockbreeding and other branches of the rural economy have also made great progress. The food problem, historically one of our most difficult problems, has been solved in the main and we have for some years now been self-sufficient in the supply of food.
As a result of the development of the productive forces in agriculture and the vigorous advance of the cultural and ideological revolutions in the countryside, the appearance of our rural areas has changed, the living standards of the peasants have improved and their political awakening and level of consciousness have risen. Our socialist system of cooperative farming has been further consolidated and developed and a rational system has also been established in the guidance and management of agriculture.
Needless to say, when viewed against the huge tasks of socialist rural construction, the achievements we have made in rural work are still in their initial stages. But we have laid the solid foundation for the construction of a socialist countryside. Besides, from our own achievements and experiences, we have found the right orientation for the solution of the socialist rural question, and can clearly recognize our future tasks in rural work. Our Party and people will continue to solve the rural question creditably on the basis of what we have already accomplished and in accordance with the orientation and tasks laid down.
One of the most important subjects in socialist construction in a backward country is the training of national cadres.
Immediately after liberation we were very short of national cadres, above all in technology, and this was one of the biggest obstacles to the state administration and economic and cultural construction. The ques­tion of national cadres, therefore, was always an acute problem for us.
The question of old intellectuals is of great importance in building up the ranks of national technical cadres. Whether or not the old intellectuals are drawn into the construction of a new society greatly affects the economic and cultural development of the country, and this is especially true in the early stage of the revolution.
It is true that the old intellectuals of our country come mostly from the propertied classes, and they served the imperialists and exploiting classes in the past. But, as intellectuals of a colonial country, they were subjected to oppression and national discrimination by foreign imperial­ists and, accordingly, they already had a revolutionary mettle.
Taking into full account the important role played by the intellectuals in the construction of a new society and the characteristics of our’ intellectuals, since the early days of liberation our Party has pursued the policy of including them and remoulding them into intellectuals who serve the working people. Inspired by the Party’s policy, the absolute majority of the old intellectuals came over to the side of the people after liberation and took an active part in the revolutionary struggle and construction work. Thus, they have made a valuable contribution to the economic and cultural construction of the country and continue to do so.
Through the persistent education by the Party and the ordeals of the revolutionary struggle, especially through the trials of the Fatherland Liberation War against the armed invasion by the US imperialists, our old intellectuals have now been transformed into excellent socialist intel­lectuals and have matured into important national cadres.
While reforming the old intellectuals, our Party paid the greatest attention to the training of new national cadres from among the working people. With a view to expanding the ranks of national cadres rapidly, the Party adopted the policy of giving priority to the work of training cadres and educational work.
Though we had no experience and were not adequately provided with all the necessary conditions, we set up many institutions of higher learning, including Kim Il Sung University, and expanded the network of schools at all levels on a large scale immediately after liberation. We continued to train national cadres even during the grim war years and, after the war, exerted still greater efforts to this work.
In our country a system of compulsory primary education was introduced as early as 1956 and a system of compulsory secondary education was established in 1958. We will introduce compulsory nine-year technical education in the coming few years.
Pupils and students, numbering about one quarter of the total population, are now studying in more than 9,000 schools of all levels in our country, of whom university students alone number 156,000.
Another important policy consistently followed by our Party in education and the training of cadres is the close combination of general education with technical education and of education with productive labour.
We have reorganized the former system of secondary education to establish a system of technical education, and further improved the content of education, so that all the younger generation can acquire a certain amount of technological knowledge along with general knowledge of the fundamentals of science. Our country has also set up a widespread study-while-work system of education which is made up of networks of evening schools and correspondence courses, factory colleges and com­munist universities with the result that large numbers of working people are receiving secondary and higher technical education without being withdrawn from production.
Despite the country’s difficult economic conditions, we have thus directed enormous efforts to the training of cadres and to education, overcoming all difficulties and obstacles, in order to rid ourselves of backwardness quickly and further accelerate our rate of advance. As a result, we have been able to build up the ranks of our own national cadres in a comparatively short period of time, and made sure of bringing up even large numbers of new cadres in the future. As of October 1964, the technicians and experts working in all fields of the national economy of our country numbered more than 290,000. All factories and enterprises, including large modern plants, are managed and operated entirely by our own technical cadres.
In this way we have not only established an advanced, socialist system in the northern half of the Republic, but have laid the economic and cultural foundations which enable us to build up the economic life of our country by our own efforts. This establishes an asset for the happy life of our people and the future prosperity of our society. It also shows that we have firmly built up our revolutionary base politically, economically and culturally, and constitutes a reliable guarantee for the reunification of our country and for the final victory of the Korean revolution.
4. ON THE QUESTIONS OF ESTABLISHING JUCHE FIRMLY AND OF IMPLEMENTING THE MASS LINE
All our victories and successes in the socialist revolution and the building of socialism are attributable to our Party’s Marxist-Leninist leadership and to the heroic struggle of our people for the implementation of the Party’s policies.
The complete establishment of Juche was most important for our Party to give correct leadership to the Korean people in their rev­olutionary struggle and construction work.
To establish Juche means holding fast to the principle of solving for Oneself all problems of the revolution and construction in conformity with the existing conditions in one’s country, and mainly by one’s own efforts. This is a realistic and creative stand which opposes dogmatism and applies the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism and the experience of the international revolutionary movement to one’s country in conformity with its historical conditions and national peculiarities. This represents an independent stand of doing away with the spirit of relying on others, of displaying the spirit of self-reliance and solving one’s own problems on one’s own responsibility under all circumstances.
The Korean communists are making a revolution in Korea. The Korean revolution is the basic duty of the Korean communists. It is obvious that we cannot make the Korean revolution when we are ignorant of, and removed from, the reality of the situation in Korea. Marxism-Leninism, too, can become a powerful weapon of our revolution only if it is applied to our country’s reality.
Masters of the Korean revolution are our Party and our people; the decisive factor in the victory of the Korean revolution, too, is our own strength. It is self-evident that we cannot make a revolution by relying on others, and that others cannot make the Korean revolution for us. International support and encouragement are important to the revo­lution, to be sure, but, above all, work and struggle by ourselves, the masters, are essential for the advancement of the revolution and its victorious conclusion.
There are, in the world, large and small countries and parties with a long or short history of struggle. Nevertheless, all parties are fully independent and equal and, on this basis, cooperate closely with each other. Each party carries on its revolutionary struggle under the specific circumstances and conditions of its own country; by so doing it enriches the experience of the international revolutionary movement and con­tributes to its further development. The idea of Juche conforms to this principle of the communist movement, and stems directly from it.
The problem of establishing Juche has acquired special importance for the Korean communists in view of the circumstances and conditions of our country and the complexity and difficulty of our revolution.
While resolutely fighting in defence of the purity of Marxism Leninism against revisionism, our Party has made every effort to establish Juche in opposition to dogmatism and flunkeyism towards great powers. Juche in ideology, independence in politics, self-support in the economy and self-defence in national defence—this is the stand our Party has consistently adhered to.
Holding fast to the principles of Marxism-Leninism, our Party studies and analyses the way things are in Korea and, on this basis, determines its policies independently. Unrestrained by any existing formulas or propositions, we boldly put into practice whatever conforms to the principles of Marxism-Leninism and the circumstances in our country.
We respect the experiences of other countries, but always take a critical attitude towards them. So we accept any experience that is beneficial to us, but reject any that is unnecessary and harmful. Even when introducing a good practice from another country, we do so by remodelling and modifying it to suit the actual conditions of our country.
Our Party has always maintained an independent stand in its approach to the international communist movement and, likewise, in its struggle against modern revisionism in particular. We are resolutely fighting against modern revisionism, and this fight is invariably conducted on the basis of our own judgement and conviction and in conformity with our actual conditions. We consider that only by holding firmly to such a stand can we correctly wage the struggle against revisionism and make substantial contributions to the defence of the purity of Marxism-Leninism and the strengthening of the unity of the international commu­nist movement.
If one fails to establish Juche in the ideological and political fields, one will be unable to display any creative initiative because one’s faculty of independent thinking will be paralysed, and in the end one will even be unable to tell right from wrong and will blindly follow what others do. Anyone who has lost his identity and Chajusong in this way can fall into revisionism, dogmatism and every description of Right and “Left” opportunism and can eventually bring the revolution and construction to naught.
There was also a time in our country when some of the cadres had been infected with dogmatism and flunkeyism towards great powers, and they did quite a bit of harm to our work. The dogmatists disregarded our conditions without studying them and sought to swallow the experience of others whole and copy it without thinking. This sort of person, who simply looked up to others and became accustomed only to copying them, slid down in the end into national nihilism, where everything that is his own is disparaged and everything foreign is praised. This tendency was man­ifested most seriously on the ideological front. The dogmatists, instead of studying, explaining and giving publicity to our Party’s policies, merely echoed other people like parrots. They even went so far as to deny our people’s history of struggle and revolutionary traditions, and tried to paralyse the creativity of our scholars in scientific research work. They also tried to teach the students what they had copied in toto from others in education, discarding everything national and spreading only foreign trends in literature and art.
In our country the harm done by dogmatism was revealed most glaringly during the war, and became all the more intolerable in the postwar period as the socialist revolution and the building of socialism progressed rapidly. Moreover, it gradually dawned on us in this period that the revisionist trend creeps in through the medium of dogmatism.
In 1955, therefore, our Party set forth the definite policy of establishing Juche, and has been persistently waging an energetic ide­ological struggle to carry it through ever since. The year 1955 marked a turning point in our Party’s consistent struggle against dogmatism. It was also at that time, in fact, that we started our fight against modern revisionism which had emerged within the socialist camp. Our struggle against dogmatism was thus linked with the conflict against modern revisionism.
It was of paramount importance in establishing Juche to strengthen the study of Marxism-Leninism among the cadres and Party members and, at the same time, to equip them firmly with their Party’s ideas, its policies. We have effectively conducted ideological work among the cadres and Party members so that all of them think in terms of the Party’s intentions, make a deep study of Party policies, work in accordance with them and strive devotedly for their implementation. Our experience shows that when the Party ranks are firmly united in both ideology and organization, dogmatism can be overcome, the infiltration of revisionism can be prevented and all work can be done creditably in line with the Party’s intentions.
At the same time, we decisively intensified the study of our country’s past and present and our people’s revolutionary and cultural traditions among all the Party members and working people. We saw to it that in all sectors of the ideological front including science, education, literature and art, things of our own country are given priority, national traditions are honoured and our fine national heritage is carried forward. The advanced culture of other countries is also introduced, not in its entirety, but through assimilation to convert it into ours.
These measures have greatly boosted the national pride of our people and their awareness of independence, and have led them to reject the tendency of automatically imitating other people’s ways and to endeavour to do everything in conformity with the existing conditions in our country. As a result of the establishment of Juche, science and technology have progressed with great rapidity, changes have taken place in the quality of education and the training of cadres, and a new, socialist national culture, suitable to the life and sentiments of our people, has blossomed and developed.
While establishing Juche in the ideological and political spheres, our Party has, in the economic sphere, held fast to the principle of self-reliance and the line of building an independent national economy.
If one lacks the spirit of self-reliance, one will eventually lose faith in one’s own strength and make little effort to mobilize one’s national resources and, accordingly, one cannot carry out the revolutionary cause. We are engaged in the revolutionary struggle and construction work with a determination to carry out the Korean revolution by our own efforts and build socialism and communism in our country by our own labour and with our own national resources.
Needless to say, we fully recognize the importance of international support and encouragement and consider foreign aid a necessity. But we reject the erroneous ideological viewpoint and attitude of slackening our own revolutionary struggle while waiting for an advantageous inter­national opportunity, or of making no effort ourselves while simply turning to other countries for aid. Both in the revolutionary struggle and in construction work, self-reliance must be given priority, while support and encouragement from outside are regarded as secondary. Only when one strives in this spirit can one expedite the revolution and construction of one’s country to the maximum and also contribute to the development of the international revolutionary movement.
In the period of postwar rehabilitation our country received eco­nomic and technical aid from fraternal countries amounting to some 500 million rubles (550 million dollars), and this, of course, was of great help to our reconstruction. But in those days, too, it was our principle to enlist the forces of our people and our national resources to the fullest; at the same time we also tried to make effective use of the aid from the fraternal countries. In fact, it was our own forces that played the decisive role in postwar reconstruction. There is no need to make further mention of the achievements scored in the economic construction of our country in subsequent years.
We have thus laid the solid foundations of an independent national economy on the principle of self-reliance.
Economic independence is an indispensable requisite for the building of a rich and strong and civilized independent state. Without building an independent national economy, it is impossible to guarantee the firm political Chajusong of a country, develop the productive forces and improve the people’s standard of living.
Socialism means the complete abolition of national inequality along with class exploitation, and requires an all-round development of the economy, science and technology. It is therefore natural that the economy of socialism should be an independent economy developed comprehen­sively.
We by no means oppose economic cooperation between states or advocate building socialism in isolation. What we do reject is the great-power chauvinist tendency to check the independent and comprehensive development of the economy of other countries and, furthermore, to subordinate their economy to one’s own on the pretext of “economic cooperation” and “international division of labour”. We consider that mutual cooperation should be based on the building of an independent national economy in each country, and that this alone makes possible the steady expansion and development of economic cooperation between states on the principles of complete equality and mutual benefit.
Today our country is developing its economy by relying mainly on its own technology, its own resources and on the efforts of its own cadres and people; it is meeting the domestic needs for heavy and light industrial goods and agricultural produce mainly with its own products.
As for our country’s economic relations with foreign countries, they are those of filling each other’s needs and assisting each other on the principles of complete equality and mutual benefit, and these relations are manifested through foreign trade and in various other ways.
Having laid the solid foundations of an independent national economy, we have come to possess our own economic basis for increasing the wealth and power of the country and markedly raising the people’s living standard, and have developed the capacity to expand and promote economic cooperation with other countries. Our economic independence also constitutes the reliable material basis for guaranteeing the country’s political Chajusong and strengthening its defence capabilities.
Along with the establishment of Juche, the implementation of the mass line has been one of the most important subjects in our Party’s leadership of the revolution and construction work.
Believing that the decisive guarantee for the acceleration of the socialist revolution and the building of socialism consists of enlisting all the creative energies of the masses of the people and offering full scope for their enthusiasm, creative initiative and talents, our Party has consistently held to the revolutionary mass line in all its activities.
Our Party has been able to achieve great successes in the socialist revolution and the building of socialism by relying on the great revolu­tionary enthusiasm and inexhaustible creative powers of our people who, taking their destiny in their own hands, go all out to build a new life. The Party, always placing faith in the popular masses, consulted them and enlisted their forces and wisdom in overcoming any difficulties and trials it encountered.
We have also successfully carried out many large and difficult construction projects by launching mass campaigns. The let-each-machine-tool-make-more movement, the building of local industry fac­tories, enormous nature-remaking projects for irrigation, and the re­construction of towns and villages which had been reduced to rubble—all this was carried out through mass campaigns, through all-people drives.
In our country, science and technology are also developing rapidly in a mass movement through creative cooperation between the scientists and technicians on the one hand and the workers and peasants on the other; literature and the arts are also flourishing gloriously through the amalgamation of the activities of professional writers and artists with the literary and artistic activities of the broad masses.
The practice of relying on the masses and rousing the broad masses to activity is a revolutionary and positive method, and it makes it possible to mobilize all potentialities and possibilities to the fullest in the revolution and construction.
The Marxist-Leninist party must implement the mass line at all times, both before and after seizing power, both in the revolutionary struggle and in construction work. And the danger of going back on the mass line increases once the party seizes power. Upon its foundation after liberation, our Party assumed the leadership of the government, and many of our officials had had little experience in the revolutionary struggle and mass work in the past. It was, therefore, a particularly important matter for us to improve their method and style of work to carry out the mass line.
Our Party has waged a vigorous ideological struggle to eliminate bureaucracy and establish the revolutionary mass viewpoint amongst officials. The Party has made tireless efforts to induce all officials to acquire the revolutionary work method of going deep among the masses, consulting them, deriving strength and wisdom from them and mobilizing them to fulfil the tasks which lie ahead.
The method of work which is called the Chongsanri method in our country, is precisely the embodiment and development of our Party’s mass line in conformity with the new realities of socialist construction. Fundamentally the Chongsanri method consists in the fact that the higher bodies help the lower ones, superiors help their subordinates, political work is given priority and the masses are roused to carry out the revolutionary tasks.
Through the spread of the Chongsanri method, we have decisively improved the officials’ method and style of work and brought about a big change in the work of the Party, state and economic bodies.
To give priority to political work is the most important thing in drawing out the revolutionary zeal and creative energy of the masses of the people.
Communists always fight in defence of the people’s interests and for their happiness. To this end, the broad masses of the people should be awakened and mobilized. One of the intrinsic advantages of socialism is that under this system the working people, freed from exploitation and oppression, display voluntary enthusiasm and creative initiative in their work for the country and society and for their own welfare.
To conduct political work well among the masses and thereby induce them to perform the revolutionary tasks voluntarily is, therefore, a powerful method of work stemming from the inherent character of communists and from the very nature of the socialist system.
It is basically wrong to concentrate only on economic and tech­nological work while neglecting political work, and to lay stress on material incentives only, without raising the political and ideological consciousness of the working people.
Our Party has firmly adhered to the principle of giving priority to political work in all matters.
In carrying out any revolutionary task we began by thoroughly explaining and bringing home to all the Party members and the masses the Party’s policy with regard to the task and made sure that they held mass discussions about ways and means of executing the Party’s policy and strove to carry it through with a high degree of political consciousness and enthusiasm. To raise the class awareness of the working people and their level of political and ideological consciousness, we have also briskly carried on communist education among them in combination with education in the Party’s policies and our revolutionary traditions.
Political work is precisely work with people, and it is basic to Party work. Lacking the Party’s leadership, the masses cannot be mobilized, nor can socialism and communism be built. Only on the basis of increasing the leading role of the Party and constantly strengthening Party work in all spheres, have we been able to succeed in carrying out the principle of giving priority to political work.
By energetically carrying on political work, work with people, which is the basis of Party work, we have been able to lead our working people to display a high degree of revolutionary enthusiasm and creative energy and to inspire them to mass heroism and mass enthusiasm for labour.
To raise the Party’s leading role and give definite priority to political work, combining this properly with economic and technological work, and to raise the working people’s political awakening and level of consciousness steadily in proper combination with material incentives, is the basic method our Party employs in mobilizing the masses for socialist construction.
To educate and remould the masses of all walks of life and unite them solidly around the Party was very important in carrying out our Party’s mass line.
The political unity and solidarity of the people in the northern half of the Republic is not only the decisive guarantee for building a new life there, but is also one of the basic factors in reunifying the country and achieving the victory of the Korean revolution.
Our Party has consistently and tirelessly worked to rally the people of all walks of life in the northern half closely around it and to convert our revolutionary base into a stronger political force.
The protracted colonial rule of Japanese imperialism, the partition of the country and, particularly, the enemy’s alienation manoeuvrings during the war, have made the social and political composition of the population of our country very complex. However, we cannot make a revolution with only perfect people, casting aside all those whose social status and social and political life are complicated.
Therefore, our Party, closely combining the class line with the mass line, has followed the policy of winning over to the side of revolution everybody save the handful of malicious elements. Under conditions where the socialist system had already triumphed and the Party’s force had grown extensively and its authority and prestige had become unshakably established among the masses, we considered it possible to educate and reform everyone, except the confirmed reactionaries with a hostile class origin.
And so we boldly trusted and embraced even those whose social status and records of social and political life were checkered, and guaranteed them conditions for working in peace, provided that they now supported our Party and showed enthusiasm in their work.
Experience has fully confirmed the correctness of this policy of our Party. By carrying through the policy we have been able to re-educate the broad masses from all walks of life and are continuing to do so. Although the composition of our population is complex and we are facing the enemy at close range, our Party has today firmly united the mass of the people around it, and a cheerful, optimistic atmosphere prevails in our society.
The all-people Chollima Movement which has been under way with unabated vigour in our country is the most brilliant embodiment of our Party’s mass line.
The Chollima Movement represents a mass drive which organically fuses collective innovations in economic and cultural construction with the work of re-educating the working people. Through the Chollima Movement all the wisdom, enthusiasm and creative energy of our people are brought into full play, innovations are effected in all spheres of the economy, culture, thought and morality, and the building of socialism in our country is greatly accelerated.
The Chollima Movement is the general line of our Party in socialist construction. The essence of this line is to unite all the working people more firmly around the Party by changing them through education in communist ideas and to give ample scope to their revolutionary fervour and creative talents so as to build socialism better and faster.
We will continue to expand the Chollima Movement and develop it in depth, and so further expedite the building of socialism in the northern half of our country.
5. ON THE SOUTH KOREAN REVOLUTION
Inasmuch as it is a revolution for liberating one half of the territory and two-thirds of the population of our country still under the control of foreign imperialism, the revolution in south Korea constitutes an important part of the Korean revolution as a whole. For the reunification of our country and the victory of the Korean revolution, it is necessary to consolidate the revolutionary forces in south Korea while strengthening he socialist forces in the north and carry out the revolution in south Korea while promoting socialist construction in the north.
Since the first days of their occupation of south Korea, the US imperialists have pursued a policy of military aggression and colonial enslavement. As a result, south Korea has been completely turned into a colony, a military base of the US imperialists.
The south Korean “regime”, since it is a puppet regime installed by he US imperialists by force of arms, is nothing but a docile instrument for executing the instructions of its US overlords.
Through this puppet regime and with their so-called “aid” as bait, the US imperialists have placed all the political, economic, cultural and military spheres of south Korea under their control.
Using the slogan of “joint defence” as a pretext they have directly thrown the US aggressive forces, nearly 60,000 strong, into south Korea. Not only that, but the US army commander holds full power of command over the south Korean army in the name of the so-called “Commander of he UN Forces”.
The US troops who are occupying south Korea insult and barbarously massacre innocent people. They have introduced nuclear and rocket weapons into south Korea, thus converting it into their military base for aggression and constantly jeopardizing peace in Korea.
The US imperialists’ “aid” to south Korea serves as a major means of aggression and plunder.
They gave some 12,000 million dollars in “aid” to south Korea between 1945 and 1964, of which 3,600 million dollars were economic “aid” and all the rest, military.
The US imperialists’ military “aid” goes to meet part of the military expenditure for the upkeep of the more than 600,000 strong puppet army of south Korea. This is a mercenary army geared entirely to the US imperialists’ policy of aggression. The upkeep of one division of the south Korean puppet army costs the US imperialists as little as only a twenty-fifth of the upkeep of a US army division. Thus, by forcibly conscripting young and middle-aged south Koreans and using them for their aggressive purposes, the US imperialists are “saving” themselves enormous sums in war expenses, while imposing heavy burdens of military expenditure on the south Korean people. Also, by keeping the huge puppet army in their service in place of their own troops, they give the south Korean army a semblance of serving some sort of national interests and pass themselves off as some kind of “helpers”.
The economic “aid” of the US imperialists, too, is nothing but a means to subordinate the economy of south Korea to their ends of military aggression and colonial plunder. By incorporating “aid funds” into the puppet government’s budget, the US imperialists have obtained a tight grip on the “government” budget and, through the supply of those funds, control the banking organizations and enterprises in south Korea. In this way they control 45 to 50 per cent of south Korea’s financial budget and 30 per cent of its banking funds, and monopolize 70 to 80 per cent of its raw material supply and 80 per cent of its import trade. Today the south Korean economy is tied up inextricably to the United States; the financial and economic organizations and enterprises in south Korea are in a position where they will have to stop operations the moment US imperialist “aid” is cut off.
All this convincingly shows that US imperialism is the real ruler in south Korea.
In order to secure a more favourable foothold for their colonial domination following their occupation of south Korea, the US imperialists reorganized part of the socio-economic relations in south Korea.
In their aggression against south Korea, they attached prime importance to the fostering of comprador capital, which was to play the role of middleman in the disposal of the surplus goods from their country, and of guide for the penetration of US private capital, the agent in their plunder of the resources and local purveyor of some war materials.
They built up the position of comprador capital by such means as landing over the properties formerly owned by Japanese imperialists to private capitalists and speculators for a mere song or enabling them to amass exorbitant profits through the monopoly of the rights to purchase and sell the “aid” goods the US imperialists dumped in south Korea. Thus, today some 500 comprador capitalists account for about 40 per cent of south Korea’s manufacturing industries, around 80 per cent of its mining industry and more than 50 per cent of its foreign trade, whereas during Japanese imperialist rule the share of south Korea’s comprador capital in the composition of its key industries was barely 6 per cent.
The US imperialists have preserved intact the feudal exploiting system in the south Korean countryside which is favourable to their colonial domination and pillage. They enforced so-called “agrarian reform” in south Korea, but this was no more than a piece of trickery designed to quell the demand for land on the part of the south Korean peasants who had been inspired by the agrarian reform in north Korea. Even after the enforcement of this “agrarian reform” the feudal relations of exploitation remain as predominant as ever in the south Korean rural areas and the peasants’ economy has become even more fragmented than before.
Today, about 100,000 landlords hold 40 per cent of the total area under cultivation and exploit 1,400,000 peasant households in south Korea. These peasants have to pay farm rents ranging from 50 to 60 per cent of their harvests, and most of them are held in bondage to the landlords and rich farmers through loans at usurious rates of interests.
US imperialism thus set up a system of colonial rule following its occupation of south Korea and, on this basis, has been enforcing an unheard-of military dictatorship over the people.
In south Korea, policemen and bureaucrats alone number more than 155,000. At present, 370,000 special political agents have been unleashed against the people there.
This colonial-type social, political and economic system has become fetters hindering the development of the economy and the democratization of social life in south Korea.
South Korea’s national economy is now totally bankrupt and the level of its industrial production stands at no more than 85 per cent of what it was at the time of liberation.
South Korea’s agriculture is likewise in an acute crisis. Agricultural output has dropped to two-thirds of what it was at the time of liberation. South Korea, once known as the granary of our country, has now become an area of chronic famine which has to import 800,000 to 1,000,000 tons of cereals every year.
Today there are roughly seven million unemployed and semi-unemployed in south Korea, and every year more than one million peasant households suffer from lack of food during the spring shortages.
The national culture and the beautiful manners and good customs peculiar to the Korean people are utterly trampled underfoot and the decadent and degenerate American way of life is corrupting all that is sound in social life.
The people are denied all political rights and are living under a reign of terrorism and tyranny.
This economic catastrophe and the wretched social position of the people in south Korea have produced acute social, class and national contradictions.
The basic contradiction in south Korean society at the present stage is the contradiction between US imperialism and its accomplices—the landlords, comprador capitalists and reactionary bureaucrats—on the one hand and the workers, peasants, urban petty bourgeois and national capitalists on the other.
Therefore, to attain freedom and liberation, the people in south Korea must drive out the US imperialist forces of aggression and destroy their accomplices—the landlords, comprador capitalists and reactionary bureaucrats. Of these US imperialism is the No. 1 target of struggle for the south Korean people.
There can be no freedom and liberation for the people or social progress, nor can the reunification of our country be achieved, until the US imperialist aggressive troops are driven out and its colonial rule is abolished in south Korea.
The revolution in south Korea is a national-liberation revolution against the foreign imperialist forces of aggression, and a democratic revolution against the forces of feudalism.
The motive force of this revolution in south Korea is the working class and its most reliable ally, the peasantry, and the students, intellectuals and people of the small-propertied classes who are opposed to the imperialist and feudal forces. The national capitalists, too, can take part in he anti-imperialist, anti-feudal struggle.
Our Party, with support of the socialist forces in north Korea, has all along been waging a stubborn struggle to carry out the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal democratic revolution in south Korea by mobilizing all its patriotic, democratic forces.
The path ahead for the south Korean revolution is beset with many difficulties and obstacles.
The occupation of south Korea by the aggressive army of US imperialism and its policy of aggression are the cause of the complex, arduous and protracted nature of both the revolution in south Korea and the Korean revolution as a whole.
The US imperialists need south Korea for more than just a market for their surplus goods and a supply base for strategic resources. They also need it as the logistical base for the occupation of the whole of Korea, as a bridgehead for hostile activities against the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China and for aggression on the Asian continent, and, further, as an important strategic point for world domination.
That is why the US imperialists have stationed in south Korea more than half of their Pacific ground forces, although they have been driven to the wall and are tottering in all parts of the world today.
Thus, the revolution in south Korea has as the object of its struggle such a powerful enemy as US imperialism, the most ferocious and insidious of all.
South Korea is the gathering place and the haunt of domestic reactionaries.
In contrast to north Korea, the remnants of Japanese imperialism were not liquidated in south Korea after liberation. With a view to establishing a foothold for their colonial domination the US imperialists actively protected and rallied the remaining forces of Japanese imperi­alism. The former pro-Japanese forces have now turned into pro-American forces, and these have grown still ranker.
Moreover, as the revolutionary struggle was intensified and the counter-revolutionary elements were dealt with in north Korea, some of the landlords, comprador capitalists, pro-Japanese lackeys, traitors to the nation, wicked bureaucrats and fascist elements fled to south Korea and joined the reactionary forces there.
In addition, many of the reactionary forces which had been scattered in foreign lands wormed their way into south Korea.
The domestic reactionary forces thus formed the counter­revolutionary forces together with outside forces, and set themselves against the revolutionary forces.
“Anti-communist” ideas are also deeply rooted in south Korea. The petty bourgeoisie made up the majority of the population and the cultural level of the masses was very low and, in addition, Japanese imperialism had maliciously spread “anti-communist” ideas for 36 years, and after liberation US imperialism and its lackeys further stepped up their “anti-communist” propaganda.
During the Fatherland Liberation War the People’s Army advanced and ideologically enlightened the people in the liberated areas to a certain extent, but their influence was not great because they were there for only a short period of time.
As a result, a considerable proportion of the people in south Korea ire still taken in by the enemy’s “anti-communist” propaganda, and this is a big obstacle to the development of the revolution there.
Because of all these circumstances, the revolution in south Korea must naturally be carried out under very difficult conditions and take many twists and turns.
Notwithstanding this, the people of south Korea have been waging an unremitting struggle, from liberation to the present time, against the colonial fascist rule of US imperialism and its lackeys and for their right to live, for democracy and the reunification of the country.
Immediately after the August 15 liberation the working-class movement surged forward rapidly in south Korea, and under its impact the struggle of the people of all walks of life also gained momentum.
Inspired by the successes of the revolution in the northern half, the people in south Korea fought resolutely against the US imperialist policy of colonial enslavement and for the independence and sovereignty of the country and for the introduction of democratic reforms of the kind which had been carried out in the north.
The general strike called by the south Korean workers in September 1946 for food, higher wages, an immediate halt to every kind of cruel oppression by the US military government, and the enactment of a democratic labour law, developed into an all-people anti-US resistance struggle in October, involving about 2,300,000 patriotic people.
Even after that, the anti-US, save-the-nation struggle of the people in south Korea continued vigorously, including the February 7 struggle in 948 for national salvation3 against the entry of the “UN Temporary Commission on Korea” which had been engineered by US imperialism and the struggle against the May 10 separate elections4 designed to ruin he nation.
Action was also taken by the puppet army soldiers. For example, in October 1948 a mutiny broke out at Ryosu in protest against the repression and barbarous slaughter of people by the US imperialists and their lackeys; even the local people joined in, the puppet government offices were destroyed and for a time the city of Ryosu was entirely occupied.
These struggles showed that the people in south Korea were strongly opposed to the US imperialist policy of colonial enslavement and the traitorous acts of the domestic reactionaries and were resolutely demand­ing freedom and independence for their country and the establishment of a democratic system; they abundantly demonstrated the revolutionary spirit and great strength of the masses of the people.
The struggle of the south Korean people, however, experienced a temporary setback because of the setting up of a separate, puppet regime in south Korea in May 1948 and because of the fascist policies pursued thereafter by the US imperialists and the Syngman Rhee clique.
The US imperialists and the Syngman Rhee clique mobilized US army units equipped with the newest weapons to put down the mass movement and perpetrated barbarous acts, arresting, imprisoning and murdering patriotic people at will.
The US imperialists also manoeuvred craftily to split and break up the revolutionary forces from within by using the factionalists and spies who had infiltrated the leadership of the Workers’ Party of South Korea at the time. As a result, the Party organizations were totally destroyed and the revolutionary forces were then dispersed in south Korea.
The struggle of the south Korean people gradually embarked upon the road of a new advance in the postwar years.
After the war, inspired by the successes in socialist construction in the north, the people in south Korea kept up a staunch struggle for democratic liberties and rights against US imperialism and its stooges.
The massive Popular Uprising in April 1960, in which the student youth of south Korea played the central role, overthrew the puppet government of Syngman Rhee, an old minion of US imperialism. This was an initial victory in the south Korean people’s struggle, and it dealt a heavy blow to the colonial rule of US imperialism.
The collapse of the puppet Syngman Rhee government signified, above all, the bankruptcy of all its anti-popular policies and its notorious “march north” outcry.
In their heroic struggle the people of south Korea demonstrated the revolutionary mettle of the Korean people, gained valuable experience id lessons and were greatly awakened politically.
After the April Popular Uprising, the situation in south Korea rapidly developed in favour of the revolution, and the masses became ore courageous to fight against US imperialism and its lackeys, for the dependent, peaceful reunification of the country.
Thus, the struggle of the people in south Korea, under the banner “Reunification is the only way of life,” began to develop into a struggle to tear down the barrier between the north and the south.
The US imperialists, greatly alarmed by these developments in south Korea after the April Popular Uprising, engineered a military coup by ding and abetting the fascist elements within the military, and stage-managed the insidious plot of replacing the Chang Myon “regime”, the second puppet regime, by the fascist Pak Jung Hi military “regime”.
This, however, has only resulted in the further aggravation of the crisis in the US imperialist system of colonial rule.
Last year witnessed another large-scale anti-imperialist, anti-fascist struggle of the student youth in south Korea.
This struggle started in opposition to the renewed aggression by Japanese militarism and for upsetting the “ROK-Japan talks”. Gradually it assumed an anti-“government” character and developed into a struggle to topple the Pak Jung Hi “regime”.
This patriotic, progressive struggle of the student youth, which lasted more than 70 days from March 24 to June 5, dealt another heavy blow to the Pak Jung Hi clique and the US imperialists.
While intensifying the policy of fascist repression and terror against the people at home so as to crush the advance of the student youth and the masses of the people today, the US imperialists and the Pak Jung Hi “regime” hasten to team up with the Japanese militarists abroad and, further, make frantic efforts to establish an “anti-communist” joint Northeast Asia defence system.
With these manoeuvres, however, the US imperialists and the Pak Jung Hi “regime” can never cope with the ever-worsening crisis of their colonial rule, nor can they break the patriotic spirit of the people in south Korea who oppose US imperialist colonial rule and are striving to achieve the freedom and independence of their country.
In south Korea today, the antagonism between democracy and reaction, between the patriotic revolutionary forces and the imperialist forces of aggression is becoming more acute, and the imperialist and reactionary forces become more isolated and weakened with each passing day.
The national and class awakening of the people is gradually heightened, their anti-US sentiments are rising fast, and the trend towards independent, peaceful reunification is growing among them by the day. In the course of the struggle, the people in south Korea are tempered constantly, accumulate rich political experience and are united in a more organized way.
At the present stage the basic policy of the revolution in south Korea is to protect the revolutionary forces from the enemy’s repression and, meanwhile, to accumulate and expand these forces steadily, thereby preparing to cope with the great revolutionary event to come.
The most important thing to this end is to build a strong rev­olutionary party and prepare the main force of the revolution in south Korea. To build the main force of the revolution means uniting around the party the main classes which can be mobilized for the revolution—namely the workers and the peasants.
In south Korea at present, the nuclear ranks of revolutionaries armed with Marxism-Leninism are growing, the class awakening of the workers and peasants is raised and the revolutionary force is expanding steadily among them.
It is important to form a united front with all classes and levels on the basis of building a revolutionary party and closely uniting the workers, peasants and other sections of the working people.
The south Korean revolutionaries direct special attention to combin­ing the struggle of the workers and peasants with that of the young people, students and intellectuals and, at the same time, endeavour to form a broad anti-US, save-the-nation united front comprising all classes and social levels.
The growth and strengthening of the revolutionary forces and the formation and consolidation of the anti-US, save-the-nation united front can be realized successfully only when an extensive mass struggle is launched. Our Party actively supports, encourages and inspires all forms of progressive, patriotic mass movement afoot in south Korea.
In the final analysis, the revolution in south Korea can triumph only through the growth of the revolutionary forces of the south Korean people and their decisive struggle. Through this fight the people in south Korea will be further awakened and schooled and will eventually grow into an invincible revolutionary force. Thus, when the hour strikes they will assuredly drive out the US imperialists, crush their lackeys, and carry the revolution to victory.
The revolution in south Korea, no matter what method is employed, can emerge victorious only when the revolutionary forces are strengthened. Needless to say, once US imperialism is driven out and the evolution triumphs in south Korea, the reunification of our country will be achieved peacefully.
It is the duty of our Party to do everything in its power to expedite the growth of the revolutionary forces in the south and assist the south Korean people in their revolutionary struggle.
It can be said that the reunification of our country, the nationwide victory of the Korean revolution, depend, after all, on the preparation of three major forces.
First, to strengthen our revolutionary base politically, economically and militarily by successfully building socialism in the northern half of the Republic;
Second, to strengthen the revolutionary forces in south Korea by politically awakening and closely uniting the people there;
Third, to strengthen the solidarity of the Korean people with the international revolutionary forces.
Our Party is fighting unremittingly to strengthen these three rev­olutionary forces.
It is of great importance for the victory of our revolution that the Korean people strengthen their solidarity with the international rev­olutionary forces and internationally isolate and weaken the US imperial­ist aggressors.
Our Party is holding fast to the line of uniting firmly with the peoples of the socialist countries and actively supporting, and strengthening our solidarity with, the peoples of the newly independent states who are opposed to imperialist aggression, and the peoples of all countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America who are fighting to throw off the yoke of imperialism. We are endeavouring to strengthen our solidarity with the progressive people of the whole world.
In this regard it is very important to strengthen unity with the Asian, African and Latin-American peoples and, in particular, to fight in unity with all the Asian peoples to drive the US imperialists out of Asia.
The anti-imperialist, anti-colonialist struggle of the communists and people of Indonesia is conducive to this common struggle of the Asian peoples.
The Korean people attach great value on their ties and solidarity with the communists and people of Indonesia, and actively support their revolutionary struggle.
Holding high the banner of revolution, the communists and peoples of our two countries will always fight in close unity against the aggressive forces of US-led imperialism, for national independence, socialism and peace.